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				<title>A Study about the  function  of"Trust" and "Political Tolerance" in Thomas Hobbes' Theory of Social Contract</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Fatemeh</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Amiri Parian</namePart>
				<affiliation>PhD Student in Political Thought, Islamic Azad University of South Tehran</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Garineh</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Keshishyan Siraki</namePart>
				<affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Science, Azad University, South Tehran Branch</affiliation>
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				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
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			<genre>article</genre>
			<originInfo>
				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
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				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
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			<abstract>The subject of this article is &quot;A Study about the function of Trust Political tolerance in Thomas Hobbes&#039; Theory of Social Contract.&quot; So far, Hobbes&#039; political views have been discussed in various sources, but the study about the function of &quot;trust&quot; and &quot;tolerance&quot; in his political thought can be new. Hobbes is one of the designers of the &quot;social contract theory&quot;. The method of work is descriptive and analytical and based on what the meanings of these concepts are in Hobbes theory. Findings in this article indicate that according to the initial discussion of the &quot;necessity&quot; of the state which was the category of &quot;security &quot;but the discussion of the &quot;function&quot; of the state is more important in Hobbes&#039; thought and in order for the state to function, it must have the necessary authority. The concepts of trust and tolerance also make sense in relation to the authority and function of state. The dimensions of Hobbes&#039; theory of man, the types of social status, freedom and property, and the position of the state in relation to society in the form of the relation of the two concepts of &quot;trust&quot; and &quot;tolerance&quot; determine Hobbes&#039;s view.</abstract>
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				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>1</start>
					<end>26</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5521_a004b0e004d6be5bed553f54eab8de5a.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.31114.2503</identifier>
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		    <titleInfo>
				<title>Comparing Cultural Diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Mohammad ali</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Basiri</namePart>
				<affiliation>Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations Department, Faculty of Administrative Sciences and Economics, university of Isfahan,Isfahan,iran</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
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			</name>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Ali</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Mousaei</namePart>
				<affiliation>Ph.D. Student in International Relations, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran.</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Amir Mohammad</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Izadi</namePart>
				<affiliation>Ph.D. Student in Political Sociology, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran.</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
			<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
			<genre>article</genre>
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				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
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				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
			</language>
			<abstract>After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the five Central Asian republics, due to the cultural, historical, linguistic, and religious similarities with these republics, Iran and Turkey have tried to use these capabilities and tools of cultural diplomacy to persuade these republics and achieve their goals at the lowest cost. So, based on the theoretical framework of constructivism, the main purpose of this article is to answer these questions that: Firstly, what is the cause of convergence and the increased relations between Iran and Turkey with the Central Asian republics and secondly, how the cultural diplomacy of these two countries have been successful in this region and has helped to increase relations and achieving the cultural, political and economic goals of the two countries? The results of this paper indicate that firstly the historical, linguistic, ethno-religious ties between the Central Asian republics and the two countries of Iran and Turkey are the causes of convergence and increasing relations and Secondly Turkey has been more successful than Iran in the cultural diplomacy.</abstract>
			<relatedItem type="host">
			<titleInfo>
				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>27</start>
					<end>63</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5804_a4e516ce4a7d32fb66817172a7ee6000.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.25518.2230</identifier>
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		    <titleInfo>
				<title>Kurdish regions of northern Syria, paradigmatic discourse shift (identity discourse to geopolitical discourse)</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Mohamad Reza</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Hatami</namePart>
				<affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Payame Noor University</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
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			</name>
			<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
			<genre>article</genre>
			<originInfo>
				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
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				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
			</language>
			<abstract>Following the collapse of the territorial structure in eastern and northern Syria, following terrorist attacks, a region called Syrian Kurdistan appeared on geographic maps and Syrian Kurds linked identity and land, creating a powerful discourse in northern Syria that activated them. Active, created. Creating a nationalist discourse and turning it into a geopolitical discourse has made this geographical unit a viable actor for the squares and subfields deployed in the Syrian crisis. Therefore, the identity of Syrian Kurds has created a geopolitical discourse for them through territorial structures. This research, while analyzing and analyzing the Kurds in the Syrian crisis space, in an analytical / descriptive way, based on the theory of identity and territory, reveals Giving actionThe geopolitical and geopolitical identity of the Syrian Kurds in the northern areas of the country is based on theoretical foundations, disintegrated spaces and geopolitical territorialization. Research findings show that following the geopolitical crisis caused by the ISIL and al-Nusra terrorist groups, the Syrian Kurds have created a strong identity organization in northern Syria, starting with the identity discourse and highlighting A territorial and geopolitical discourse has been transformed, although this identity-seeking process has always been threatened by Turkey and operations such as the Euphrates, the Olive Branch and the Fountain of Peace, but what is perceptible is a component identity uprising. The Syrian Kurds are in an identity geography called Syrian Kurdistan.</abstract>
			<relatedItem type="host">
			<titleInfo>
				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>65</start>
					<end>91</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5803_2648f960a008748f651f37e4d87ea674.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.27435.2348</identifier>
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		    <titleInfo>
				<title>Party law and its relation to party efficiency in Islamic Republic of Iran</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Jalil</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Dara</namePart>
				<affiliation>assistant professor of political science in tarbiat modares university</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Hossainalil</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Mokhtari</namePart>
				<affiliation>Master of Political Science, Tarbiat Modares University</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
			<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
			<genre>article</genre>
			<originInfo>
				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
			</originInfo>
			<language>
				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
			</language>
			<abstract>Party efficiency is considered as one of the important elements of political development. One of the aspects of party efficiency is related to the type of party laws. We don’t have any research in iran in this scope. Kenneth Janda,one of the theorists in this area, has mentioned 5-law of party models in his theory each of which put particular negative and affirmative conditions ahead of parties. In addition to considering the type and quality of party laws as the reasons of party lack of institutionalization and efficiency after Islamic revolution, the current research, which is seeking to investigate the party efficiency status in the Islamic Republic of Iran, believes thatthe flexible and progressive legal frameworksare among the main reasons of the evolution and dynamics of political parties and organizations. Therefore, the research question is: Do the current laws of parties have the capacity of party empowerment and efficiency? The research hypothesis indicates that based on the Janda&#039;s theory, the basis of codificationof the current law of parties is of license-oriented type, imposing some limitations to the parties&#039; activities and avoid their creativity and efficiency. This research was conducted by relying on descriptive-analytical method and reading the content of party laws of 1982 and 2017 in Iran.</abstract>
			<relatedItem type="host">
			<titleInfo>
				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>93</start>
					<end>116</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5520_f526bc4f02ed9de15bb2e176f8dec733.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.30125.2460</identifier>
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		    <titleInfo>
				<title>Challenges and strategies for achieving social justice based on the method of layered analysis of causes</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Yahya</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Fozi</namePart>
				<affiliation>Professor of Political Science, Institute of Humanities and Cultural Studies</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Ayat ollah</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Firoozi</namePart>
				<affiliation>PhD student in Political Science, Institute of Humanities and Cultural Studies</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
			<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
			<genre>article</genre>
			<originInfo>
				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
			</originInfo>
			<language>
				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
			</language>
			<abstract>Social justice is separate from other social values and is the first priority and has a privileged position as a judge of values. Social justice is the manifestation of justice in the social arena, which has had an important place in the minds of the thinkers of the Islamic Revolution, so that if social justice is considered insignificant in the discourse of the revolution, the character of the Islamic Revolution is meaningless and empty. But despite the above-mentioned emphases, we face problems in the practice and realization of social justice in society. Now the question is what have been the obstacles to the realization of social justice in Iran over the past fourteen years? What strategies are there to remove these obstacles? Using a layer analysis model of causes and a combined method, this article examines the causes of these challenges at four levels of litany analysis: causal and experimental, discourse and mythology, as well as proposing strategies to deal with them at each layer. . Finally, according to the identification of the causes mentioned in each layer, strategies at the level of discourse, structure and agent have been proposed.</abstract>
			<relatedItem type="host">
			<titleInfo>
				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>117</start>
					<end>148</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5822_5da965351642d85f158f86d95d65fd81.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.32295.2551</identifier>
			</mods>
		<mods version="3.5">
		    <titleInfo>
				<title>Decoding political field on Persian Twitter: Analyzing political activism by Iranian users during Iran’s 2017 presidential election</title>
			</titleInfo>
				<name type="personal">
				<namePart type="family">Hossein</namePart>
				<namePart type="given">Kermani</namePart>
				<affiliation>PhD in Communication Sciences, University of Tehran</affiliation>
				<role>
				<roleTerm type="text" authority="marcrelator">author</roleTerm>
				</role>
			</name>
			<typeOfResource>text</typeOfResource>
			<genre>article</genre>
			<originInfo>
				<dateIssued keyDate="yes" encoding="w3cdtf">2020</dateIssued>
			</originInfo>
			<language>
				<languageTerm type="code" authority="iso639-2b">per</languageTerm>
			</language>
			<abstract>In this study, I propose the idea of political field on Persian Twitter. Based on Bourdieu’s field theory, I argue that political activism on Twitter caused the emergence of an imaginary field on this microblogging network. Analyzing political field on Persian Twitter could help us to reach a better understanding of Iranian users’ political participation and activism. In order to do this, I combined social network analysis, ethnographic content analysis and social media critical discourse study approach. The research sample was consisted of 10416 tweets of the 150 most influential users in three networked publics which were collected during Iran’s 2017 presidential election. Results showed that the struggle on power on Persian Twitter is mainly about everyday matters and election-related debates. Moreover, political field on Persian Twitter is not a site for challenging hegemonic values and producing new ones, it is a sphere to use existed values to overcome political rivals.</abstract>
			<relatedItem type="host">
			<titleInfo>
				<title>Contemporary Political Studies</title>
			</titleInfo>
			<originInfo>
				<publisher>IHCS</publisher>
			</originInfo>
			<identifier type="issn">2383-1294</identifier>
			<part>
				<detail type="volume">
					<number>11</number>
					<caption>v.</caption>
				</detail>
				<detail type="issue">
				<number>2</number>
				<caption>no.</caption>
				</detail>
				<text type="year">2020</text>
				<extent unit="pages">
					<start>149</start>
					<end>186</end>
				</extent>
			</part>
			</relatedItem>
			<identifier type="uri">http://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_5802_9bc45aafb79f86763fb6f416ce098b59.pdf</identifier>
			<identifier type="doi">dx.doi.org/10.30465/cps.2020.27855.2360</identifier>
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