Rouholah Eslami استادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی author text article 2014 per What Ibn Khaldun writes on the cycle of fall and rise of Asabiyyah in tribal governments is not true about Iran because the presence of social castes such as proletarian, institutions such as ministry, structures such as subterranean aqueducts and practices such as endowment etc. has led to provision of margins for basis of governmentality in Iran which cannot be defined in terms of exploitative domineering techniques. A case in point is Nizam al-Mulk’s Siyasatnamah in which the author despite having Ash’ari attitude and Iranshahri advisory practical wisdom devises utterly sagacious methods to practice and limit power. In addition to fiqh, wisdom and mysticism, Iranians enjoyed a method called “writing book of advice—Andarznāmeh” which is their shared heritage of ancient Iran. In this method, they have proposed and employed techniques for governmentality which despite its being in the metaphysic era of governing it has accommodated realistic and expedient signs of the circulation of public affairs. The present paper, tries to outline the techniques for practicing and limiting power in Nizam al-Mulk’s Siyasatnamah through the use of theoretic literature of governmentality and also via proposing a theoretic model tries to criticize and evaluate that. IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 1 26 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1029_cc71672b6c865ac38e4b9f2023486b2a.pdf Mohammad Mahdi Esmaili استادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران author Farhad Zivyar استادیار پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی author Sayyid Reza Hosseini پژوهشگر پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی author Amir Hossein Sabeti Monfared کارشناسی‌ارشدعلوم‌سیاسی‌دانشگاه تهران author text article 2014 per In this article, after reviewing Qom and Najaf schools as the two prominent and influential schools in the history of seminaries, Ayatollah Taleghani’s principles of political thoughts were thoroughly analyzed and finally it was concluded that he is regarded as taking a middle position between the two schools. The School of Najaf is one of the oldest schools of seminaries which has always been known as a movement that has not pursued the political authority of Islamic jurists (Wilāyat-i Faqīh) in the occultation of Imam Mahdi and Akhund Khorasani (Mohammad-Kazem Khorasani) is the symbol of this school. The key feature of “The School of Qom”, as a prominent school in the history of Qom seminary established by Imam Khomeini, is the expansion of Velayat in politics as a modern theory of the supreme wilāyat and Wilāyat-i Faqīh which is the more advanced and evolved form of The School of Samarra. Hence, however, Ayatollah Taleqani in his School of Faqih openly shows a tendency to Najaf School and its leaders including Mirza-ye Na'ini and that is why he has annotated his treatise titled “Allameh Discipline and Transcendence Malt” in practice he obviously emphasizes the support for the symbol of the School of Qom- Imam Khomeini. All this lead to his being considered as the revolution long-time friend (Asubequon). He has also made all-out theoretical efforts to introduce Islam as social and political and anti-secular doctrine. IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 27 45 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1030_c0a4f4c538abbfa42d3f361a97f2015c.pdf Rajab Izadi استادیار دانشگاه تبریز author Amir Rezai Panah کارشناس ارشد علوم سیاسی author text article 2014 per Iran's revolution was a prelude to the rise of a modern system in the world's contemporary political history. This newly-emerged system was born without a prefabricated copy and model. This article in addition to identifying the political sub-discourses of this system, is trying to find the roots of their rise and fall. This research has focused on the question of “what is the main reason of the evolution and changes of dominant discourses in the political system of Islamic Republic of Iran?” The research's hypothesis, to answer this question, searches the root of these changes and evolutions in the social and economic domains and shows that the social and economic evolutions in Iranian society leads to the evolutions in its political discourses. On the other hand, this idea was proposed that such processes have always been affected and reinforced under the shadow of the international interactions. The research's hypothesis has been investigated in the framework of Ernesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory with some traces of Fairclough's discursive reading. IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 47 74 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1031_ca7b8177f0018ca010c0ca96652f7f07.pdf Majid Tavasoli Roknabadi استادیار دانشگاه آزاد علوم و تحقیقات author Alireza Shaban Shemirani کارشناسی ارشد علوم سیاسی، author text article 2014 per Islamic consultative assembly (Majlis) is one of the main pillars of managing the country. Assembly representatives are selected by general election of people’s direct and secret vote of people. Although these representatives gather in the Majlis from different geographical areas called election areas according to the very statements of Islamic Republic Constitution they are representative of the entire Iranian nation (and not only voters of election areas) and accordingly they have the general competency of legislating on and supervising all the affairs of the country. The significance of the research is that it tries to study the role of Majlis electoral system (as input system) on the how MPs’ discharging their duties (as output system) in the seventh Majlis (a case). For collecting data in this research library method was adapted. That is, through collecting microfiche from Majlis public meeting proceedings and content data qualitative analysis, all MPs’ relevant written notes to president/ minsters- more than 10,000- and more than 500 MPs’ question for ministers-as raw data- (relevant to forgone criteria in question and hypothesis) were analyzed. Findings of this study showed that electoral system of the 7th Majlis led the MPs to adopt more regional approach than national approach. Therefore, they were unstable in exercising legal rights and emphasized on individualism more than collectivism. IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 75 104 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1032_1e9fc7c9e53c5343f59206d31fdfc478.pdf Mohammadreza Hatami استادیار علوم سیاسی دانشگاه پیام نور author text article 2014 per Revolutions and uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, as one of the most important events in the beginning of the second decade of the twenty first century, have attracted the attention of experts and analysts of international affairs. Meanwhile, there are different ideas about the causes, bases and the nature of such phenomenon. One of existing strategies analyzes these events on the base of Greater Middle East plan. But the common approach of people and elites in countries experiencing revolution in Middle East and North America to Islamic principles made the phenomenon of “Islamic Awakening " with Islamic Revolution as its central axis, a more appropriate analysis than the concept of "Arabic Spring" with a democratic approach which is more desirable for Americans. The research question is whether Islamic Revolution or American model has been successful for being adapted by new uprisings in the Middle East. The hypothesis of the paper is that The United States of America, in his model through relying on its soft power resources, has predicted the political changes in North Africa and Middle East which are in accord with American pattern of Liberal-Democrat while in actual course of such revolutions the changes towards “Islamic Awakening” are led by the model of Islamic Revolution of Iran. The victory of leadership pattern in Islamic Revolution and the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s soft power over that of America are among the reasons for realization of Islamic awakening phenomenon. Naturally, the theoretical and analytical framework of the paper is based on Great Middle East Plan as a guide to American foreign policy in Middle East after September 11th and the idea of Islamic awakening. IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 105 125 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1033_20b22748555d72592fb22fef74117e66.pdf Mohsen Abbasszadeh دانشجوی‌دکتری‌اندیشة‌سیاسی‌دانشگاه تهران author text article 2014 per Deconstruction as a counter-approach to rationalism of the West political tradition (especially Modern one), seeks to expose the assumptions in common discursive order which are assertedly based on intralingual oppositions and thus arbitrary. Therefore, with destructing any intellectual authority’s foundation, it makes the room, for the accommodation of other possibilities and this is how it is linked to democratic logic. However, at the same time through debasing any sort of criteria, a huge gap is opened up between it and practical politics since it political decision making necessitates a foundation based on criteria and compelling justifications that such logic is inherently incongruent with. This paper whose focus is Derridean Philosophical Deconstruction in addressing the question of “what position in deconstructionist logic can be adopted which can grant its critical potency to be used for political theory?” firstly, studies the reasons of such approach in two forms being exigency and privative hermeneutically. And then it proposes a “radical critical theory” as a “hermeneutic reconstructionist” derived from deconstruction because the writer believes that the prerequisite to applicability of deconstructionist approach to political theory and thus naturally serving a role in the process of rethinking to “ practical politics” necessitate the adoption of reconstructionist meth IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 127 151 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1034_022fe1f29263cfc8c20c334c423d836f.pdf Hossein Harsij دانشیارعلوم سیاسی، دانشگاه اصفهان author Rauf Rahimi دانشجوی‌دکتری‌علوم‌سیاسی،دانشگاه اصفهان author Maliheh Ramazani دانشجوی‌دکتری‌علوم‌سیاسی‌دانشگاه اصفهان author text article 2014 per Wall Street Movement represents the people's protest about the function of capitalist system, and can be considered as one of the most important events and changes of American society in 2011. It is important because unlike other movements, it is not limited to a certain area and could gradually travel to other parts of the world. This paper, adopting a descriptive-analytical method, studies the reasons for Wall Street movement to happen based on Habermas theory. This study first examines new social movements and Wall Street movement descriptively and then, attempts to analyze the reasons responsible for the formation of Wall Street movement analytically based on Habermas theory. Findings of this research show that American society is witnessing different crises of capitalism, mentioned by Habermas. Therefore, it can be said that the crises in the various fields of economic, politics, and public domain in the U.S.A led to fuel Wall Street's movement IHCS 2383-1294 4 v. 10 no. 2014 153 177 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_1035_d07c3e510df3c41de1f15c400a68d5fb.pdf