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<ags:resources xmlns:ags="http://purl.org/agmes/1.1/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:agls="http://www.naa.gov.au/recordkeeping/gov_online/agls/1.2" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/">
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[هالیوود  و اسلام‌ هراسی در دیپلماسی رسانه‌ای
 ایالات متحده امریکا پس از 11 سپتامبر]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Darabi, Ali]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Hollywood]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Media diplomacy]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[foreign policy]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the Islamic world]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[11 September]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[Media diplomacy as a branch of public diplomacy effective instrument of foreign policy counts; in the meantime the United States after World War II due to the ability of hegemonic cultural industries - media widely to extend the influence of soft power around the world, including the Middle East, which has received. This paper utilizes the descriptive approach - analytical written, and taking into account the media diplomacy United States after the September eleven changes in priorities by identifying the concept of hostility to the Cold War era were, hypotheses based on the grounds that the United States of America, along with enjoying all aspects of the tools of hard power, expansion of hegemony and apply effective foreign policy instruments of soft power after eleven Sptambrkvshydh to parallel use of other weapons against the Islamic world. Deconstructing Islamic countries such as Iran, the Hollywood redefining and creating new enemies such as the form of "Islamic fundamentalism", "Islam phobia","terrorism", "Iran-phobia", instead of the old enemy "communism" during the Cold War to use.]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2577_4fcfec8174668b6e79a5abaa43641745.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[تبارشناسی تکنیک‌های نظام سلطه در مواجهه با جمهوری اسلامی ایران:
رهیافت فوکویی به رفتارهای نظام سلطه]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Zamiryan, Mohmmad Hosein]]></ags:creatorPersonal>
<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Mahdavizadegan, Davoud]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[کلیدواژه‌ها: نظام سلطه]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[تبارشناسی]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[رهیافت فوکویی]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[تکنیک‌های نظام سلطه]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[تحریم ایران]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[چکیده رهیافت فوکویی، بازتولید روش‌هایی است که میشل فوکو در آثار خود از آن‌ها برای تحلیل و نقد دوران مدرن بهره می‌برده است. این روش‌ها بررسی تبارشناسانه و دیرینه‌شناسانه دوران مدرن را از آغاز پی‌گیری می‌کند و گویای واقعیت امروز عالم مدرن با رجوع به گذشته، خصوصاً گذشته تاریخ اجتماعیِ غرب است، البته این فرآیند، بدون تاریخی‌سازی پدیده به کشف روابطِ بازتولید قدرت و سوژه می‌پردازد. کشف روابط قدرتی که رسوب شبکه‌های تولید قدرت در تاریخ اجتماعی غرب و سامانه‌ها و نهادهای به‌جامانده از این روابط است و چنانچه فوکو خود اذعان داشته، از مهم‌ترین کارویژه‌های آثار او، فهم روابط قدرت است، حال اگر این روش‌ها برای بازشناسی قوانین استیلا و سلطه موجود در پدیده‌های عالم مدرن ازجمله روابط بین‌الملل به‌کار رود می‌توان بازتاب تکنیک‌های سلطه در تاریخ اجتماعی غرب را در این پدیده نیز مشاهده کرد؛ از جمله این پدیده‌ها نظام بین‌الملل است، نظامی که با همه توان در حال بازتولید عناصر یادشده از سلطه در ساختاری جهانی‌شده است؛ از سویی دیگر، پس از پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی ایران، شاهد برخوردهای مختلف همین نظام سلطه ازجمله تحریم‌های گسترده آن بوده‌ایم، این تحریم‌ها طی چند سال اخیر با چگالی بیشتری اعمال شده‌ است. این مقاله قصد دارد با استفاده از رهیافت فوکویی در تاریخ اجتماعی غرب به فهم چرایی و رمز‌گشایی از حجم گسترده از تحریم‌ها علیه جمهوری اسلامی ایران بپردازد.]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2219_89d133514c22db905e1e9b12d3728fe6.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[Dual Effects of Chinese Economic Liberalization on Its Foreign Policy]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Ghanbarloo, Abdollah]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Keywords: China's foreign policy]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[economic reforms]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[open door policy]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[globalization]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[international peace and security]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[multilateralism]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[American hegemony]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[Abstract
This paper deals with the cause of the recent signs of US–China strategic rivalry at the regional and international issues. The author focuses on the economic liberalization as a main cause of China's rising competitive tendencies against the US. China has articulated a grand strategy that is based on the idea of peaceful development. Chinese leaders have been seeking to characterize their country as a responsible world power, emphasizing on soft power and diplomacy of peaceful coexistence with the other major powers. But the other side of the coin is that the China's economic rising has been driving its hegemonic ambitions. China tries to achieve regional hegemony in Asia and attempts to push the US away from the region. The economic rise of China appears to be strengthening its global situation. It can lead to intensification of US–China strategic rivalry at global level. It seems that as a result of economic rise, China's foreign policy is becoming more realistic over time]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2220_df76b9a8796998c3fc66c290ce1edf0c.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[The Relation of "Politics" and "the Political" in Reading of the Rhetorical Literature: A Case Study on the Poetry of Sohrab Sepehri]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Mossleh, Pegah]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Keywords: Politics]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the political]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[rhetorical literature]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[refusal of politics]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[toleration]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[Some thinkers like Paul Ricoeur, Hannah Arendt and Chantal Mouffe have distincted "Politics" and "the Political" in a manner as if there is a dichotomy and opposition between them. Such standpoints make problem in reading and evaluation of an important part of literature: rhetoric literature and specially rhetoric poetry. This article is based on a study to know that how any change in our conceptin of the relation of "Politics" and "the Political", can impress our understanding of produce and significance of this kind of literature. The poetry of Sohrab Sepehri which usually has been supposed that is a non-political poetry, is a good sample to see that more appropriate definition of "the Political" can result in a better knowing of the political dimension and the place of such poetries in contemporary political societies.]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2221_06b4e47d1450494991a7160e34ab70c1.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[political ideonomy of Structural Adjustment model
(the relationship between development and political thought in Structural Adjustment model(]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Mozafarinia, Mahdi]]></ags:creatorPersonal>
<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Manoochehri, Abbas]]></ags:creatorPersonal>
<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Ghafari, Masood]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Keyword: Political thought]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[development theory]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Structural Adjustment model]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[paradigmatic-implicative theory]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Robert Nozick Political philosophy]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[The condition of success and reasons of failure of development strategies and plans, has been one of the most important “development studies” issues. It has been explained in different ways; such as that there is strong relationship between efficiency of development strategies and plans and development theories. paradigmatic-implicative theory, which has explained the relation of development theories and political thought and identify the development theory as one of the practical implication of political thought; one of the conditions of success of development strategies and development plans can refer to the political thought foundation. So we explore the political thought which support the Structural Adjustment model; which is the most important development model in 1980s. We use “qualitative content analysis” method in this paper to show that the political foundation of Structural Adjustment model is based on “libertization through rights protection”, in correspondence with Robert Nozick political thought.
 ]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2228_3e9ccff80f5b1c969e9112b638ca6248.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[The Relation Between Justice and Liberty in Shahid Motahhari’s Viewpoint]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[khalily, Ali]]></ags:creatorPersonal>
<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Ahmadi Tabatabai, Mohammad Reza]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Justice]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Freedom]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[relation between justice and freedom]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[shaid motahhari]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Political Philosophy]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[Ideas of Justice and freedom and relation between them are among the most significant and controversial debates in political literature and political thinker's doctrines. This subject has been taken focal place in debates of political scholars in contemporary epoch. How to relate between justice and freedom in public sphere and how to make reasonable balance and equilibrium between them, is the core of disputed and thoughtful political discussions. To restrict liberty in favor of justice or to set limits on justice for the more extensive freedom prevents full development of society. Some thinkers believe that the human values are in contradiction with each other, Therefore justice and freedom are inconsistent with each other. we should always restrict one of them in favor of the other. But some scholars think that human values are consistent, therefore justice and freedom are in congruence with each other. The research explains Shahid Motahhari's point of view about relation between justice and freedom. He is one of the most known and influential contemporary thinkers in Islamic world. The research uses critical analysis method including assessing results and implications of his view about justice and liberty. The conclusion of this research is that in Shahid Motahhari's point of view, there is not any contradiction or inconsistency between justice and liberty. It is not necessary to restrict justice in favor of liberty or to limit liberty to attain more justice. Desired society is a free and just society. Citizens of this society have both freedom and justice together, because justice is giving everybody his due, and liberty is consequence of the concept of right. By realizing justice, liberty is also realized. This research can contribute to understand complementary debates in social and political sciences from religious and Shiite doctrine's point of view]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2502_42abe44cc91ffa9ea1d192f50cab5c23.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>
<ags:resource>
					<dc:title><![CDATA[Decision making centers in the Afgan new constitution: Devision of power Based on the cooperation amongst forces]]></dc:title>
					<dc:creator>
					<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[Farzanepour, Hossein]]></ags:creatorPersonal>
<ags:creatorPersonal><![CDATA[zanganeh, Peyman]]></ags:creatorPersonal>

			</dc:creator>
			<dc:publisher>
				<ags:publisherName><![CDATA[IHCS]]></ags:publisherName>
			</dc:publisher>
			<dc:date><dcterms:dateIssued><![CDATA[2016]]></dcterms:dateIssued></dc:date>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[keywords President]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the Government]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the Loya Jirga]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the lower house]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[Vmshranvjrg•h]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the Supreme Court]]></dc:subject>
				<dc:subject><![CDATA[the administrative system]]></dc:subject>
			<dc:description>
				<ags:descriptionNotes><![CDATA[Includes references]]></ags:descriptionNotes>
				<dcterms:abstract><![CDATA[Abstract  After occupation of Afganistan by NATO forces led by American in 2001, fundamental changes have occurred in the country, including a change in the constitution and the subsequent formation of the a new Afganistan constitution, which is based on the Islamic political system and democratic practices. question of this present article is that the new Afghan constitution to which legitimate  reference have considered more authority? This constitution includes some important decision bodies such as the presidency, the government, the national Assembly- consisting of wolsi Jirga or House of Elders- mashrano Jirga, loya Jirga, judiciary and administrative system. For better implementation of the constitution and administrative affairs, while constitution guarantees the cooperation between decision - making powers in the country, In addition, legislative and judicial powers in many cases have proper control over the executive branch, However, the President as the head of the executive branch, and receive legal authority wider powers than any other, marks the final authority. Present article Relying on analytical method  And utilizes the theoretical approach of parliamentary and presidential political structure, will analyze President pivotal role in political decision-making, social, cultural and economic Afghanistan.  ]]></dcterms:abstract>
			</dc:description>
            <dc:identifier scheme="dcterms:URI"><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_2142_29190e82553aa48e40d126e1b36f6e51.pdf]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:identifier scheme="ags:DOI"><![CDATA[]]></dc:identifier>
			<dc:type><![CDATA[Journal Article]]></dc:type>
			<dc:format><dcterms:medium><![CDATA[text]]></dcterms:medium></dc:format>
			<dc:language><![CDATA[فارسی]]></dc:language>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/]]></dc:source>
			<dc:source><![CDATA[Contemporary Political Studies]]></dc:source>
		</ags:resource>

</ags:resources>