پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 Contents فهرست 10773 FA Journal Article Quarterly Journal of Contemporary Political Studies (Jostarha-ye Siyasi-ye Mo'aser) Vol. 15, No. 4, Winter 2024 Contents Indicators of Islamism and Republicanism in the Selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the Leader of the Islamic Republic Seyed Yasser Jebraily; 1 Colonialism: construct Historical understanding, shaping new order and formulating action Behzad Asghari; 35 The Socio-Cultural Nature of an Iranian Oligarchic Family: The Rashidians Mojtaba Soltani Ahmadi; Mohammad Hassan Pourghanbar; Ruhollah Solgi; 50 The foreign policy of the 11th and 12th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its results with a critical approach Abbas Kavusi Sharif; Bahram Montazeri; Hassan Saghafian; 91 considering the Impact of Good Governance Elements on Sustainable National Security: Focusing on the Governance Experience in Iran (1989-2021) Maziar Allahyari; Bahareh Sazmand; Masoumeh Reshad; 123 The U.S.-China Conflict in the Far East and Its Military Security Implications for the Islamic Republic of Iran Ehsan Kayani Rauf; Esmaeil Shafiee Sarvestani; Bashir Esmaeili; 153 Strategies to achieve modern Islamic civilization using Meta-Synthesis method mohammad ali sadrshrirazi; Yahya Fawzi; Seyad Sadrodin Mousavi; Zahed Ghaffari Hashjin; 183 The Role and Benefits of Nuclear Energy in Ensuring Iran's Energy Security Mohammad Sadeq Jokar; 217 The Decision-Making Logic of Imam Khomeini (RA) in Iran's Internal Affairs: with an Islamic Approach Amir Fazeli; Mitra Bahrami; 245 analysis of the relationship between the Islamic Revolution and the modern Islamic civilization with developments in Syria and Lebanon Seyed Rasul Hosseini; Farhad Zivyar; Masoud Motalebi; 271 فصل‌نامه علمی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر، دوره 15، شماره 4، زمستان 1403 فهرست شاخص های اسلامیت و جمهوریت در تعیین آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای به عنوان رهبر جمهوری اسلامی سیدیاسر جبرائیلی؛ 1 استعمار: برساخت درک تاریخی، شکل‌دهی نظم نوین و صورتبندی کنش‌ورزی بهزاد اصغری؛ 35 ماهیّت اجتماعی-فرهنگی یک خانواده الیگارش ایرانی: رشیدیان‌ها مجتبی سلطانی احمدی؛ محمدحسن پورقنبر؛ روح الله سلگی؛ 50 سیاست خارجی دولت‏های یازدهم و دوازدهم جمهوری اسلامی ایران و نتایج آن با رویکردی نقادانه عباس کاوسی شریف؛ بهرام منتظری؛ حسن ثقفیان؛ 91 بررسی تاثیر مولفه‌های حکمرانی خوب بر امنیت پایدار ملی: با تأکید بر تجربه حکمرانی در ایران (1368-1400) مازیار الهیاری؛ بهاره سازمند؛ معصومه رشاد؛ 123 منازعه ایالات متحده با چین در خاور دور و پیامدهای امنیتی آن در بعد نظامی برای جمهوری اسلامی ایران احسان کیانی رئوف؛ اسماعیل شفیعی سروستانی؛ بشیر اسماعیلی؛ 153 راهبردهای نیل به تمدن نوین اسلامی با استفاده از روش فراترکیب محمدعلی صدرشیرازی؛ یحیی فوزی؛ سید صدرالدین موسوی؛ زاهد غفاری هشجین؛ 183 نقش و منافع انرژی هسته‌ای در تامین امنیت انرژی ایران محمد صادق جوکار؛ 217 تحلیل منطق تصمیم‌گیری امام خمینی(ره) در مسائل داخلی کشور: با رویکرد اسلامی امیر فاضلی؛ میترا بهرامی؛ 245 تحلیل رابطۀ انقلاب اسلامی و تمدن نوین اسلامی با تحولات سوریه و لبنان سید رسول حسینی؛ فرهاد زیویار؛ مسعود مطلبی؛ 271 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10773_ea89621bee7c88b2c5be6681c8ef4906.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 Indicators of Islamism and Republicanism in the Selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the Leader of the Islamic Republic شاخص های اسلامیت و جمهوریت در تعیین آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای به عنوان رهبر جمهوری اسلامی 1 34 9804 10.30465/cps.2024.50264.3459 FA سیدیاسر جبرائیلی استادیار مطالعات تمدنی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 16 Abstract About nine months before his passing, Imam Khomeini (pbuh) proposed Ayatollah Khamenei as the future leader of the Islamic Revolution, and subsequently, during various periods, he explained the necessary characteristics for leadership of an Islamic society. Considering that the system of religious democracy is a unique and unprecedented model of governance, and one of the reasons for this distinction is the existence of the leadership position, it is necessary to examine whether the system's performance in the selection of the leader has been in line with the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism). Therefore, the main question of this research is: What indicators led to the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Given the topic and research question, it seems that a qualitative method with an analytical-descriptive approach is an appropriate method to achieve the research results. The reason for choosing this method is that it allows for the description of events related to the selection of the leader, while examining the realization of indicators related to the processes of republicanism and elements of Islamism in the thought of religious democracy, with the processes that have taken place for the selection of the leader and the characteristics of the selected individual. The results shows that the specific indicators of religious democracy (republicanism and Islamism) based on legitimacy in Shia political thought, the system of Imamate, and popular presence and acceptance, which are reflected in the constitution, govern the process of the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei. Keywords: Leader Selection, Republicanism, Islamism, Ayatollah Khamenei, Religious Democracy. Introduction After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, a unique form of government based on "religious democracy" was established, which recognized the sovereignty of Islam and the people's sovereignty over their political and social destiny. The system of religious democracy is a unique and unprecedented model of governance, and one of the reasons for this distinction is the existence of the leadership position. Therefore, it is necessary to examine whether the system's performance has been in line with the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism) in the selection of the leader. Materials and Methods The research question is: What indicators led to the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis is that the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism) based on legitimacy in Shia political thought, the system of Imamate, and popular presence and acceptance, which are reflected in the constitution, govern the processes of selecting the leader. The research method is qualitative with an analytical-descriptive approach. The reason for choosing this method is that it allows for the description of events related to the selection of the leader, while examining the realization of indicators related to the processes of republicanism and elements of Islamism in the thought of religious democracy, with the processes that have taken place for the selection of the leader and the characteristics of the selected individual. Discussion & Result The selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran is a significant event in the history of the country, and it is essential to examine the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism) that led to his selection. This section will provide a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the topic, building upon the existing content, and will discuss the various aspects of the selection process. Indicators of Islamism The indicators of Islamism in the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran are numerous. Firstly, Imam Khomeini's approval and description of Ayatollah Khamenei as a Mujtahid. Imam Khomeini's endorsement of Ayatollah Khamenei is a testament to his expertise in Islamic sharia and his ability to lead the country in accordance with Islamic principles. Secondly, Ayatollah Khamenei's jurisprudence and expertise in Islamic sharia are also indicators of Islamism. His extensive knowledge of Islamic sharia and his ability to interpret and apply it in a way that is consistent with the principles of the Islamic Republic are essential qualities for a leader of the country. Thirdly, Ayatollah Khamenei's courage and insight in the face of challenges are also indicators of Islamism. His ability to navigate the complex political landscape of Iran and to make difficult decisions in the face of opposition and adversity is a testament to his strength and resilience as a leader. Finally, Ayatollah Khamenei's management and leadership abilities are also indicators of Islamism. His ability to manage the country's affairs and to lead the government in a way that is consistent with Islamic principles is essential for the success of the Islamic Republic. Indicators of Republicanism The indicators of republicanism in the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran are also numerous. Firstly, the formation of the Assembly of Experts for the selection of the leader is a significant indicator of republicanism. The Assembly of Experts is a democratic institution that is responsible for selecting the leader of the country, and its formation is a testament to the democratic nature of the Islamic Republic. Secondly, the presentation of proposals by the members of the Assembly is also an indicator of republicanism. The members of the Assembly are elected by the people, and their proposals reflect the will of the people. The presentation of proposals by the members of the Assembly is a democratic process that allows for the participation of the people in the selection of the leader. Thirdly, the selection of the leader based on the constitution is also an indicator of republicanism. The constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran outlines the qualifications and characteristics that a leader must possess, and the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei was based on these criteria. The selection of the leader based on the constitution is a democratic process that ensures that the leader is accountable to the people and is committed to upholding the principles of the Islamic Republic. Finally, the widespread popular acceptance and allegiance to the leader are also indicators of republicanism. The people of Iran have consistently demonstrated their support for Ayatollah Khamenei, and his leadership has been widely accepted by the people. The widespread popular acceptance and allegiance to the leader are a testament to the democratic nature of the Islamic Republic and the legitimacy of Ayatollah Khamenei's leadership. Conclusion The paper concludes that the indicators of religious democracy (Islamism and republicanism) have been realized in the selection of Ayatollah Khamenei as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The selection of Ayatollah Khamenei was based on the approval and description of Imam Khomeini, his jurisprudence and expertise in Islamic law, his courage and insight in the face of challenges, and his management and leadership abilities. The formation of the Assembly of Experts, the presentation of proposals by the members, and the selection of the leader based on the constitution are also indicators of republicanism. The widespread popular acceptance and allegiance to the leader, as well as the review of the leader's qualifications and characteristics in accordance with the new constitution, are also indicators of the realization of religious democracy in the selection of the leader. مجلس خبرگان رهبری در تاریخ 14 خرداد 1368، آیت‌الله سید علی خامنه‌ای را به عنوان ولی فقیه و رهبر انقلاب اسلامی انتخاب کرد. باتوجه به اینکه نظام مردم‌سالاری دینی یک الگوی منحصربه‌فرد و بی‌سابقه حکومت است و یکی از علت‌های این تمایز، وجود جایگاه رهبری است، ضرورت دارد این مسئله بررسی شود که آیا عملکرد نظام در تعیین رهبر، منطبق بر شاخص‌های مردم‌سالاری دینی (اسلامیت و جمهوریت) بوده است یا خیر. مشخصا پژوهش حاضر در پی پاسخ به این پرسش است که آیا شاخص‌های مرتبط با مردم سالاری دینی که در قانون اساسی پیش‌بینی شده است، در فرآیند تعیین آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای به عنوان رهبر جمهوری اسلامی ایران رعایت شده‌اند؟ باتوجه‌به موضوع و سؤال پژوهش، به نظر می‌رسد روش کیفی با رویکرد تحلیلی-توصیفی، روش مناسبی برای رسیدن به نتایج تحقیق باشد. علت انتخاب این روش این است که طی آن می‌توان ضمن توصیف رویدادهای مرتبط با تعیین رهبر، به بررسی انطباق «فرآیند تعیین رهبر» و نیز «ویژگی‌های فرد منتخب» بر شاخص‌های مرتبط با فرآیندهای جمهوریت و عناصر اسلامیت در اندیشه مردم‌سالاری دینی پرداخت. نتیجه نشان خواهد داد که شاخصه‌های خاص مردم‌سالاری دینی (جمهوریت و اسلامیت) مبنی‌بر مشروعیت در اندیشه سیاسی شیعه، نظام امامت و حضور و مقبولیت مردمی که در قانون اساسی منعکس شده، بر فرآیند تعیین آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای به رهبری حاکم بوده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9804_33a5435d4f945aa6154b31a73bab3b73.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 Colonialism: construct Historical understanding, shaping new order and formulating action استعمار: برساخت درک تاریخی، شکل‌دهی نظم نوین و صورتبندی کنش‌ورزی 35 58 9594 10.30465/cps.2024.48515.3377 FA بهزاد اصغری پژوهشگر پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی Journal Article 2024 03 12 Abstract Colonialism is a phenomenon that begins with the slogan of construction and development and eventually leads to political domination and economic exploitation. This phenomenon took a self-centered approach and was based on the exercise of power and the creation of a new order. Therefore, the phenomenon of colonialism sought to institutionalize object-subject relations in the form of colonizing and colonized societies. This phenomenon has been investigated from different aspects, but the process of becoming the objective process of colonization, the pattern of ideas and its placement in information and its effect on the activities of societies has not been formulated. Therefore, this research seeks to answer the question of what historical foundations the colonial process is based on, how it has shaped historical information and shaped human actions. So it can be pointed out that the colonists by explaining the historical identity of the colonial societies based on specific historical components, deprived them of the possibility of creating an identity. This causes the colonized societies to act against it because they were looking for their identity and position based on the historical formations by the colonizers, but with this process and the explanation of the independent identity and the construction of historical recognition, they shape their actions. Keywords: Colonialism, Historical Understanding, Epistemic System, New Order, Activism. Introduction The concept of colonialism is the one on which no consensus has been formed. The semantic contradiction of the concept of colonialism has caused various theories to be presented about this phenomenon (Momsen 1363: 89-130). The presented ideas about colonialism often refer to the concept of the other and dominating the other and have challenged unequal political, economic and cultural relations, but these narratives often do not pay attention to how the idea of colonialism is transformed into a historical matter. Because this concept becomes an objective perception in the theoretical field in a historical context and forms a historical understanding that is the basis of action. Therefore, the current research seeks to answer the question of on which historical foundations the colonial process relies, how it shapes historical awareness, and how it structures human actions. In this sense, by examining the historical process, the semantic change of this concept of observation and its epistemological formulation will be searched in the historical context, and its impact on the actions of colonized societies will be discussed. Materials & Methods The process of finding the meaning of concepts is based on historical understanding. The historical understanding of one's own existence and the relationship with the surrounding environment is often the basis of the activities of human societies that rely on worldviews and knowledge systems. For example, the ancient Egyptians had a static tendency for present and past life. Therefore, in their view, the gods ruled over the conditions of existence. In Greece, however, the concept of history included the past and the future of mankind, and had serious discussions about physical sciences and mechanics. In the new era, with the formation of the idea that historical knowledge is the knowledge of the past in the present, and the knowledge that is formed in the historian's mind is objectively realized by reviving and passing the limitations of past experiences, the role of presented images of history became more important (See, Duntan, 2017) The role of images in the construction of human perceptions in the contemporary world is a subjet of serious thought. For example, Heidegger believes that it is possible to understand the world in the form of an image (Heidegger, 2002: 67-68). He introduces creaters or beings as the owner of existence if they are called forward by a human being. In other words, abstract categories draw a picture of phenomena in a historical context and give them meaning. This shapes historical narratives. In this framework, the historical narrative is linked with the value perceptions (cf. Weber, 1382: 169). In other words, in this epistemic system, phenomena are classified and enter the field of consciousness in a preferred pattern. Mastering these narratives is also depicted as mastering the society. Because it forms the basis of action. Discussion & Result The process of colonization is based on an essentialist perspective. In the sense that the colonists considered other societies uncivilized and believed that they should be guided towards civilization. On this basis, colonialism organized a certain system of thought and ideology that sought to apply a specific order and ultimately sought to exploit the resources of other societies. To justify this relationship, the colonialists sought to place this process in the conceptual system so that the process of colonization becomes believable and understandable. Clarifying the identity of the colonized was very important in the process of colonization, because it became an internal matter. Therefore, in the colonial era, in the historical conflict, the colonialists were able to form historical consciousness, which provided them with greater superiority. Meanwhile, the creation of a new order required a new classification. Because, in order to disrupt the established order, a new category must be formed in people's understanding and awareness. Based on this, the colonialists excluded other societies from the scope of the historical awareness system by classifying and ordering the phenomena. In other words, they emptied the colonized societies of historical identity and consciousness. The loss of the previous tradition and identity caused the colonized societies to lose the possibility of relying on concrete foundations for action against colonialism. In the meantime, the reproduction of racial and social distinctions in the process of colonization strengthened the idea of colonization. Because as a result of this process, the members of the society were confronted with each other. Conclusion The phenomenon of colonialism continued from the 16th and 17th centuries to the 20th century, but finally ended with the anti-colonial movements after 1945. This phenomenon was created with the dual conceptualization of civilized countries and backward countries. In this way, European countries presented themselves as symbols of thinking and progress and portrayed other countries as backward and savage. For this reason, the Europeans claimed an order that sought to bring all societies closer to the wisdom and civilization of the Europeans. The self-centered approach of colonialism caused the colonizing countries to seek exploitation of the colonized societies. This also facilitated the process of exploitation, because it spread an idea based on which exploitation of other societies was not seen as ugly and reprehensible. The depiction of civilized and uncivilized by the colonialists in this period led to the dominance of the discourse in which the colonized societies found an object-like form and did not have the possibility of subject actions. Because these societies were empty of identity and history and lost the possibility of explaining the action components. Because, actions are formed based on common will, beliefs, and values, which have been shaped throughout history and based on common identity, and with the loss of these components, the possibility of formulating common will and goal is lost. Colonized societies, however, by recovering their identity and defining identity components over time, were able to form an anti-colonial movement that led to the end of the political domination of the colonial countries. استعمار پدیده‌ای است که با شعار عمران و آبادانی آغاز و در نهایت منجر به تسلط سیاسی و بهره‌برداری اقتصادی شد. این پدیده رویکردی ذات‌انگارانه در پیش گرفت و مبتنی بر اعمال قدرت و ایجاد نظم نوین سامان یافت. ازاین‌رو پدیدة استعمار به‌دنبال آن برآمد روابط ابژگانی-سوژه‌گانی را در قالب جوامع استعمارگر و مستعمره‌شده نهادینه کند و سایر جوامع را در قالب این الگوی معرفتی قرار دهد. این پدیده از وجوه گوناگون مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است اما چگونگی تبدیل روند عینی استعمار به الگوی اندیشه‌‌ای و جایابی آن در ساختار آگاهی که از آن به‌عنوان استعمار ذهن یاد شده است و تاثیر آن در کنش‌ورزی جوامع در مطالعات پیشین صورتبندی نشده است. ازاین‌رو این پژوهش به‌دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که فرایند استعمار بر چه بنیان‌های تاریخی ابتناء دارد، چگونه آگاهی تاریخی را شکل می‌دهد و کنش‌های انسانی را چگونه صورتبندی کرده است. بر اساس مطالعة صورت‌گرفته می‌توان اشاره داشت که استعمارگران از طریق تبیین هویت تاریخی جوامع مستعمره بر اساس مولفه‌های تاریخی خاص، آن‌ها را به جوامع پیرامون تبدیل و از این طریق امکان ساخت هویت را از آن‌ها سلب کردند. این امر موجب شد تا جوامع مستعمره‌شده نتوانند به کنش مقابل دست زنند چراکه هویت و جایگاه خود را بر اساس درک تاریخی شکل‌یافته توسط استعمارگران و در ارتباط با آن‌ها جستجو می‌کردند اما با گذار از این فرایند و تبیین هویت‌ مستقل خود و برساخت درک تاریخی توانستند کنش‌های خود را صورتبندی جدیدی ببخشند.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9594_2dfbd2f04b3ac1f6441719a9f1f40f38.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 The Socio-Cultural Nature of an Iranian Oligarchic Family: The Rashidians ماهیّت اجتماعی-فرهنگی یک خانواده الیگارش ایرانی: رشیدیان‌ها 50 90 9911 10.30465/cps.2025.50535.3478 FA مجتبی سلطانی احمدی دانشیار گروه تاریخ و تمدن اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران 0000-0001-6123-8512 محمدحسن پورقنبر دانش آموخته دکتری و پژوهشگر تاریخ معاصر روح الله سلگی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 11 19 Abstract This article focuses on the movements of one of the influential families of the second Pahlavi period, the Rashidis, and discusses their characteristics from a socio-cultural perspective, as it seeks to answer the question of what were the components of the Rashidis' socio-cultural personality? Through a library research method based on collecting data from historical sources and documents, and an analytical research method within the framework of sociological theory with an emphasis on the characteristics of the comprador bourgeoisie, we analyze the nature of the Rashidis from a socio-cultural perspective. The findings indicate that one of the personality characteristics of the Rashidis, as part of the Iranian dependent capitalists, was an extreme tendency towards the West, especially England, in the field of culture and civilization, as they were even influenced by Western models in their behavior and lifestyle. In addition, their greed and lust for pleasure were also considered characteristics that could be seen in such characteristics as luxurious facilities and entertainment. Also, their self-interest and inattention to public interests should be mentioned, to the extent that, in appropriate cases, they even sacrificed national interests for personal interests. The last prominent characteristic was their lack of self-control, which was observed not only in the intellectual and behavioral levels of the Rashidians, but also inferred from their close interaction with marginalized groups, criminal groups, and thugs. Keywords: Contemporary Iran, Pahlavi period, circles close to power, Rashidians, socio-cultural characteristics. Introduction In contemporary Iran, there were many influential and famous families in various political, economic and cultural fields that had great effects, both positive and negative, on the society and the governance of the country. If we leave aside the politically influential families with local and regional roots such as Qaraguzlu, Alam and Bayat, we can mention the Jahanbani, Zahedi and Atabai families, who showed great movements in the political and military fields, the Farmanfarmayan, Namazi and Bushehri, who simultaneously played a colorful role in the political and economic fields, as examples, as well as the Foroughi, Nafisi and Khalatbari, who in addition to the political field, had prominent scientific and cultural movements, and the Khosrowshahi, Khayami and Lajavardi families, who focused mainly on the economy and achieved significant success in this path. One of these influential families in contemporary Iran was the Rashidians. Although, unlike the families mentioned in the previous lines, they are less well known due to the type and method of their activities, which were mainly non-public and in the shadows, they were considered among the ruling and upper classes of Iranian society at that time due to their enormous economic wealth and close relationship with the government of the time during the period in question. The scope of their activities in the economy and politics of Iran, as a type of Iranian oligarch, was significant. Habibollah Rashidian showed some activity during the first decades of the 20th century, coinciding with the rise of the first Pahlavi, and then spent more than a decade in prison until the end of Reza Shah's reign, until at the beginning of the 1940s, he resumed his efforts in Iranian politics in line with British policy, along with his children, Seifollah, Qodratollah, and Asadollah, while also greatly expanding his economic business with the support of this country. A decade later, in the early 1950s, when Habibollah was in his old age, his children continued to be active and serious in the political arena and played an influential role in the fall of Mohammad Mosaddeq's government. During the decade after the coup and until the mid-1940s, they continued to be present behind the scenes of politics, using various mechanisms to accumulate economic capital and acquire financial wealth until the end of the Pahlavi regime. In the following article, the authors of these lines seek to explain the socio-cultural characteristics of the aforementioned family, one of the most influential and powerful families in Iran in the 20th century, by analyzing the mentality and especially the actions of its members. In this way, they will understand the characteristics of some of the upper classes and the ruling class of Iran over the last hundred years, who mainly had friendly relations and close interaction with the governments of the time. With these characteristics, the present article can be considered innovative and original. Accordingly, the article seeks to answer the following question: On the basis of what components can the cultural and social personality of the Rashidian family be explained? Materials & Methods In order to answer this question, on the one hand, we examined the Rashidian family from the perspective of cultural characteristics, using a library method of data collection, i.e., examining first-class historical documents and sources that provide valuable data to the authors in this field. On the other hand, we examined the Rashidian family from the perspective of cultural characteristics, within the framework of a sociological theory based on social stratification centered on the comprador bourgeoisie. this research that has been written based on library research and information collection, mainly from memoirs and documents, and sometimes from some reliable and scientific research sources. The comprador bourgeoisie and their actions can be explained from different angles, and given that in this study we are focusing on socio-cultural characteristics, we will refer to the characteristics of the comprador bourgeoisie from this perspective.The most prominent cultural characteristic of the comprador bourgeoisie in any society is their strong tendency and attachment to foreign culture. Disregard for national identity and lack of desire to fight for cultural independence are characteristics of the comprador bourgeoisie.The second characteristic of the comprador bourgeoisie in this area is personalism and self-interest, as the members of this stratum, as the upper layers of the bourgeoisie and the dependent capitalists, are very self-centered and self-interested, and they organize their actions around personal interests. In this regard, national interests have become worthless for them compared to personal interests, which also gives their decisions and behavior an irresponsible tone from a social point of view.The third characteristic is related to the greed and hedonism of this stratum. A large part of the bourgeois comprador class, thanks to the defective economic structure of their country and the lack of social arrangements for the redistribution of wealth, experiences upward class mobility through rent-seeking and brokerage.The fourth cultural-intellectual characteristic of a significant number of people belonging to the comprador bourgeoisie is a lack of dignity in thought and ignorance in action, which can also be called lampoonism. Apart from the fact that the comprador bourgeoisie attracts its supporters from among the profit-seeking individuals present in the lower and marginal classes of society. Discussion & Result the cultural and social characteristics of the Rashidians can be analyzed based on four components, all of which were centered around and related to the comprador bourgeoisie, and of course, some of them overlapped with each other to some extent. The first characteristic was Westernization and attachment to England. Those who, as comprador bourgeoisie or dependent capitalists, saw their existential nature and economic interests in a positive and direct relationship with England, were naturally inclined to this foreign country as a model and reference in the social and cultural spheres, to the extent that not only were they themselves influenced by the West in their lifestyle, habits, and attitudes, but they also appeared to be adept at the penetration and expansion of Western culture in Iran. The second characteristic of the Rashidians was their self-interest, which was also related to their class nature as bourgeois comprador, because these people, due to their commercial and mercantile view of various issues, gave complete priority to personal interests. As historical documents and evidence indicate, in order to achieve their profit-seeking goals, they were not only indifferent to collective and public interests, but also, when they saw their own interests at risk, were even willing to sacrifice national interests. nouveau can be considered the third characteristic of the aforementioned family, whose prominent manifestation was also in self-indulgence, ostentatiousness, and of course, the display of consumption. The Rashidians, who were suddenly and in a very short period of time thrown from the middle class to the upper and wealthy class of society by an accident, as a result of this very rapid economic transformation, as newly arrived individuals, sought to adopt a lifestyle of ostentatiousness and luxurious entertainment with the aim of showing off and gaining a position among the ruling and upper classes of the country. The fourth social and cultural characteristic of the Rashidians should be sought in their lumpen-like thoughts and actions. Considering the low social origin of this family, and considering that even after class mobility, their intellectual-cultural capital not only did not grow in a balanced and equal way with economic capital, but they also suffered from intellectual immaturity, it was not far from being expected that the Rashidians would have a vulgar attitude and behavior, and some, like Asadollah, would even openly portray themselves as lumpen and arrogant. Apart from the scoundrel-like behavior and speech, the close interaction and connection with the urban mob, especially the gangsters and gangsters from the south of the city, was a clear sign of the scoundrel-like nature of the Rashidians. Conclusion The first characteristic was Westernization and attachment to England. The second characteristic of the Rashidians was their self-interest, which was also related to their class nature as bourgeois comprador. nouveau can be considered the third characteristic of the aforementioned family, whose prominent manifestation was also in self-indulgence, ostentatiousness, and of course, the display of consumption. The fourth social and cultural characteristic of the Rashidians should be sought in their lumpen-like thoughts and actions. این مقاله با تمرکز بر تحرّکات یکی از خانواده‌های متنفّذ دوره پهلوی دوّم یعنی رشیدیان‌ها، به ویژگی‌های آنان از منظر اجتماعی- فرهنگی می‌پردازد، چنان‌که درصدد پاسخ به این پرسش می‌باشد که، مولّفه‌های تشکیل‌دهنده شخصیت اجتماعی-فرهنگی رشیدیان‌ها چه بود؟ ما از طریق روش پژوهش کتابخانه‌ای بر مبنای گردآوری داده‌ها از منابع و اسناد تاریخی، و شیوه پژوهش تحلیلی در چارچوب نظریه جامعه‌شناسی با تاکید بر خصایص قشر بورژوازی کمپرادور، ماهیّت رشیدیان‌ها را از بُعد اجتماعی-فرهنگی واکاوی می‌کنند. یافته‌ها دالِّ بر این است که یکی از ممیّزه‌های شخصیتی رشیدیان‌ها بعنوان بخشی از سرمایه‌داران وابسته ایرانی،‌ گرایش افراطی به غرب بویژه انگلستان در حوزه فرهنگ و تمدّن بود، چنان‌که حتّی در سبک رفتاری و زندگی نیز متاثّر از الگوهای غربی بودند. علاوه بر این، نوکیسگی و عشرت‌طلبی نیز از خصایص آنان بشمار می‌رفت که با شاخصه‌هایی همچون امکانات و تفریحات لاکچری قابل مشاهده بود. همچنین باید از منفعت‌طلبی و بی‌توجّهی آنان به منافع عمومی نام برد، تا آنجا که در مواقع مقتضی، حتّی مصالح ملّی را قربانی منافع شخصی می‌کردند. آخرین خصیصه برجسته نیز لمپن‌مآبی بود که نه تنها در سطح فکری و رفتاری رشیدیان‌ها مشاهده می‌شد، بلکه از تعامل نزدیک آنها با اقشار حاشیه‌ای، گروه-های تبهکار و اراذل واوباش قابل استنباط بود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9911_a02ef8389f6d40f84b50504613117f88.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 The foreign policy of the 11th and 12th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its results with a critical approach سیاست خارجی دولت‏های یازدهم و دوازدهم جمهوری اسلامی ایران و نتایج آن با رویکردی نقادانه 91 121 9753 10.30465/cps.2024.49666.3430 FA عباس کاوسی شریف دانشجوی مقطع دکتری، گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران. بهرام منتظری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد شهرضا، شهرضا، ایران حسن ثقفیان استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 07 Abstract Foreign policy should be considered as an area of government policies that is in line with the domestic policy of the country. The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has also been based on this principle in the period after the victory of the Islamic Revolution and has experienced various discourses in accordance with the preferred political discourse inside the country. In this article, Hassan Rouhani's foreign policy as the president of the 11th and 12th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been examined. The main question is: What are the characteristics of Hassan Rouhani's foreign policy and what results has it achieved? As a hypothesis, it can be answered as follows that Rouhani's foreign policy is based on “constructive interaction with the world”, “a stronger region instead of the strongest region” and “a world free of violence and extremism” and has been formed with the aim of solving the obstacles to the country's economic growth and development – such as nuclear sanctions. But due to internal and external factors, he could not go beyond the agenda of solving the nuclear issue and pursue other goals. The present article used the descriptive-analytical method and collected its data using a library method. Keywords: 11th and 12th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Hassan Rouhani, foreign policy, constructive interaction. Introduction The foreign policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran has several discourses that originated from the ideology of the political system of this country and each of them created a unique diplomacy in their time. While Rafsanjani is remembered as the president who "reconstructed" the country after the Iran-Iraq war, Khatami is remembered for the "Dialogue of Civilizations" initiative that helped Iran gain access to almost vast areas of the world. On the other hand, Ahmadinejad is mentioned as the president whose foreign policy provoked criticism from mainly Western countries along with heavy sanctions related to Iran's nuclear program. This article examines Hassan Rouhani's interactionist foreign policy in the 11th and 12th governments and tries to answer the question of what characteristics this foreign policy had and what effects it could create on development. In this regard, the components of Rouhani's foreign policy have been analyzed at two conceptual and operational levels. Materials and methods The present article uses the descriptive-analytical method and the information and data have been collected from various sources and through the library method. Discussions and results The conceptual evaluation of Rouhani's foreign policy can be done in the framework of three elements of progressivism, pragmatism and regionalism. 1. Progressivism: Rouhani's efforts to reach a nuclear agreement were mainly due to Iran's urgent need to rebuild its economy and thus required to lift economic sanctions. Rouhani's main goal of the nuclear negotiations was not to end the historical problems between Iran and America, but only to end sanctions and open Iran's economy to foreign investment. Therefore, Rouhani's approach to the nuclear agreement was technical and economic rather than political, and for this reason, the JCPOA did not automatically lead to a political opening between Tehran and Washington. 2. Pragmatism: The most obvious example of pragmatism in Rouhani's foreign policy was nuclear negotiations and relations with 5+1 countries. However, Rouhani could only use pragmatism in foreign policy if the domestic consensus had already been formed. 3. Regionalism: Rouhani may have realized that if he is not going to be disturbed by power centers during the nuclear negotiations, he should make enough concessions on regional issues. But what he may not have realized is that when his government loses control over the country's regional politics, it also loses many of the benefits of the nuclear agreement. In other words, progressivism and spiritual pragmatism were weakened without regionalism. Evaluation of Rouhani's foreign policy can be seen on two levels. At the international level, the only issue that was correctly defined was the nuclear negotiations. This was considered a very important example of constructive interaction with the international community. However, the nuclear negotiations, which Rouhani initially expected to be short, became long and ended up lasting nearly two years. At the regional level, the Rouhani government followed the general security and political policies of the country. In most regional issues, the government followed the mainstream direction provided by the Supreme National Security Council, where decisions were the product of trying to achieve a comprehensive balance for the benefit of all stakeholders. Some of the failures of Rouhani's foreign policy can be found in these factors: the change of leadership in Saudi Arabia and the beginning of bin Salman's openly anti-Iranian policies; Trump's inauguration, the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the JCPOA, the application of maximum pressure and unprecedented sanctions against Iran, the assassination of General Soleimani. In terms of internal factors, the lack of transparency of the political discourse along with a series of unfortunate events (currency crisis and the fall in the value of the national currency, protests in 2016, 2017 and especially 2018 due to gasoline rationing), pointed out the complexity of the decision-making process in foreign policy and insufficient credibility and lack of mission. Conclusion In a critical view, it can be said that the foreign policy approach of Iran's 11th and 12th administrations ultimately failed to achieve a sustainable and comprehensive outcome in improving international relations and reducing economic pressures. The U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) and the inability to establish economic structures independent of U.S. sanctions are examples of the shortcomings of this policy. The foreign policy of these two administrations in the Middle East also faced significant challenges. Although Rouhani's government attempted to improve relations with regional countries, ongoing tensions with Saudi Arabia and Iran's expanding regional influence in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq remained sources of unrest and international pressure. In summary, the foreign policy of the 11th and 12th administrations of the Islamic Republic of Iran began with an emphasis on diplomacy and engagement with the international community, yielding positive results in the early stages. However, due to both internal and external developments, these policies faced serious challenges, and the outcomes were more limited than initially expected. A critical analysis reveals that despite strengths in international negotiations, these policies ultimately failed in managing the pressures of sanctions and consolidating diplomatic achievements. سیاست خارجی را باید عرصه‌ای از سیاست‌های دولت دانست که در امتداد سیاست داخلی کشور است. سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران نیز در دوران پس از پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی، بر همین اصل استوار بوده و گفتمان‏های مختلفی را به تناسب گفتمان مرجح سیاسی در داخل کشور تجربه کرده است. در این مقاله، سیاست خارجی حسن روحانی به عنوان رئیس جمهور دولت‌های یازدهم و دوازدهم مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است. سئوال اصلی این است: سیاست خارجی حسن روحانی از چه ویژگی‏هایی برخوردار بوده و چه نتایجی را در برداشته است؟ در مقام فرضیه می‌توان این‌گونه پاسخ داد که سیاست خارجی روحانی مبتنی بر «تعامل سازنده با جهان»، «منطقه‏ی قوی‌تر به جای قوی‌ترین منطقه» و «جهان عاری از خشونت و افراط‌گرایی» بوده و با هدف حل موانع رشد و توسعه‌ی اقتصادی کشور - همچون تحریم‌های هسته‌ای – همراه شکل گرفته است؛ اما به واسطه‌ی عوامل داخلی و عوامل خارجی نتوانست فراتر از دستور کار حل مساله هسته‌ای فراتر رود و اهداف دیگری را دنبال نماید. مقاله‏ی حاضر از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی استفاده کرده و داده‌های خود را به روش کتابخانه‌ای جمع‌آوری نموده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9753_07577d9f755d42cec7545e889b7261a3.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 considering the Impact of Good Governance Elements on Sustainable National Security: Focusing on the Governance Experience in Iran (1989-2021) بررسی تاثیر مولفه‌های حکمرانی خوب بر امنیت پایدار ملی: با تأکید بر تجربه حکمرانی در ایران (1368-1400) 123 152 9793 10.30465/cps.2024.50183.3452 FA مازیار الهیاری دانشجوی دکتری تخصصی،گروه علوم سیاسی ،دانشکده حقوق، الهیات،علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران بهاره سازمند دانشیارگروه مطالعات منطقه ای، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران معصومه رشاد اﺳﺘﺎدﻳﺎر،گروه ﻋﻠﻮم سیاسی، دانشکده روانشناسی و علوم اجتماعی، واحد رودهن، داﻧﺸﮕﺎه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، اﻳﺮان 0000-0003-0470-9255 Journal Article 2024 10 07 Abstract Good governance has emerged as a central concept in policymaking and public administration, particularly since the 1990s. The principles of good governance include transparency, accountability, participation, rule of law, and social justice, each essential to sustainable development and societal advancement. These elements establish the foundation for improving citizens' quality of life and achieving sustainable national security, as good governance is inherently tied to public trust and citizen satisfaction. In different nations, adherence to good governance principles has direct and indirect effects on national security, and Iran is no exception. This article seeks to analyze the quality of governance in Iran from 1368 to 1400 and examine its effects on the country’s sustainable national security. The core research question is: How have elements of good governance impacted sustainable national security in governmental policymaking? The hypothesis of this research proposes that Iran's unbalanced and incomplete implementation of good governance elements has led to significant risks and challenges across various security dimensions, including environmental, economic, political, and socio-cultural issues. Keywords: Iran, Good Governance, Kaufmann, Trust, Rule of Law. Introduction Good governance has been a central concept in policymaking and public administration, particularly since the 1990s. The fundamental principles of good governance—transparency, accountability, participation, rule of law, and social justice—play a crucial role in sustainable development and societal progress. These elements provide the foundation for improving citizens' quality of life and achieving sustainable national security. In different nations, adherence to good governance principles has direct and indirect effects on national security, and Iran is no exception. Materials & Methods This study aims to analyze the quality of governance in Iran from 1368 to 1400 and its impact on sustainable national security. The central research question is: How have the elements of good governance influenced sustainable national security in governmental policymaking? The hypothesis suggests that Iran's unbalanced and incomplete implementation of good governance principles has led to significant risks and challenges across multiple security dimensions, including environmental, economic, political, and socio-cultural issues. <span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;">Discussion<span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;"> & Result Good governance is essential for establishing stability and ensuring national security. In Iran, the incomplete application of governance principles has resulted in economic instability, unemployment, inflation, and social crises. Key elements of good governance and their influence on Iran’s sustainable national security include: Transparency: A fundamental principle that reduces corruption and fosters public trust. In Iran, inefficiencies in transparency, especially within government sectors, have led to a climate of corruption and social distrust, posing a threat to national security. Accountability: Critical for ensuring public security and welfare. The Iranian government’s failure to adequately respond to citizens' needs has weakened public trust and increased the sense of detachment among citizens, contributing to instability. Participation: Although efforts have been made to enhance public participation, they have largely been insufficient. The exclusion of citizens from decision-making has resulted in feelings of alienation, reducing social cohesion and threatening national security. Rule of Law: Weak enforcement of legal frameworks has exacerbated social and economic inequalities, undermining justice and social equity. This has fueled dissatisfaction and distrust, ultimately posing a significant challenge to national stability. Social Justice: Unequal distribution of resources and lack of equal access to opportunities have increased public dissatisfaction and deepened class divisions, further jeopardizing the country’s national security. Decades of weak governance in Iran have led to severe national security concerns, including:Weak Economy: The unbalanced implementation of governance principles has hindered economic growth and increased unemployment, leading to social discontent.Chronic Inflation and Economic Crisis: Persistent inflation and economic instability have reduced purchasing power and created financial challenges for citizens, fueling distrust in the government.Environmental Crisis and Water Shortages: Insufficient attention to environmental issues has resulted in serious water shortages and degradation of natural resources, increasing the potential for future security tensions. Brain Drain: The lack of sufficient employment and social opportunities has driven many skilled individuals to emigrate, weakening national development and security. Declining Social Trust: The erosion of public trust in government institutions has significantly undermined social cohesion, increasing the risk of social instability. Conclusion The incomplete implementation of good governance principles in Iran has had profound implications for national security by exacerbating economic, social, and political challenges. Strengthening transparency, accountability, participation, and the rule of law is essential for ensuring long-term stability and sustainable national security. مفهوم حکمرانی خوب از دهه 1990 به عنوان یک مفهوم محوری مورد توجه کارشناسان و متفکران قرار گرفته است. حکمرانی خوب در همه ابعاد زندگی شهروندان در همه جوامع از جمله ایران تاثیر گذار بوده است. این مقاله تلاشی برای ارزیابی کیفیت حکمرانی در ایران و نشان دادن نسبت آن با امنیت ملی پایدار در یک بازه حدود نیم قرن بوده است. سئوال اصلی مقاله حاضر عبارت است از اینکه : مولفه‌های حکمرانی خوب در سیاستگذاری دولتی چگونه بر امنیت ملی پایدار آن تاثیر گذاشته است؟ در مقام فرضیه و پاسخ به این سئوال باید گفت: دولت ها در ایران با اجرای نامتوازن مولفه‌های حکمرانی‌ خوب، امنیت ملی پایدار خود را دچار مخاطرات و ریسک‌های متعدد زیست محیطی، اقتصادی، سیاسی و اجتماعی-فرهنگی کرده است. یافته‌های مقاله نشان می‌دهد تأثیر دهه‌ها حکمرانی ضعیف را می‌توان تقریباً در تمام چالش‌های اصلی پیش روی ایران مشاهده کرد: اقتصاد کُند، نسبت اشتغال پایین، تورم شدید مزمن، بحران آب، سیستم بازنشستگی آشفته، فرار سرمایه‌های انسانی، و کاهش اعتماد اجتماعی. که در نهایت باعث اثرات مخرب و ایجاد مخاطرات مختلف برای امنیت ملی پایدار کشور شده است. در این مقاله از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی بهره‌گیری شده و داده‌های آن به صورت کتابخانه‌ای جمع‌آوری شده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9793_897a9a2b554640752d749543235a1b16.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 The U.S.-China Conflict in the Far East and Its Military Security Implications for the Islamic Republic of Iran منازعه ایالات متحده با چین در خاور دور و پیامدهای امنیتی آن در بعد نظامی برای جمهوری اسلامی ایران 153 181 9764 10.30465/cps.2024.50158.3450 FA احسان کیانی رئوف دانشجوی دکتری، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران اسماعیل شفیعی سروستانی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران بشیر اسماعیلی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 03 Abstract The conflict between the United States and China in the Far East has had significant implications for the balance of power and regional security. This study examines how the U.S.-China conflict affects Iran’s national security, particularly in the military domain. The main hypothesis suggests that intensified military competition between the U.S. and China leads to increased military cooperation between Iran and China and the development of Iran’s defense capabilities. In this context, Iran has sought to enhance its national security against external threats, particularly U.S. pressures, by strengthening its naval forces in the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman and advancing its military technologies. This research employs a qualitative analysis of documents and academic articles. The findings indicate that through military cooperation with China and expanding its military presence in strategic regions, Iran has been able to enhance its deterrence capabilities. However, this trend could also lead to heightened international pressures and increased tensions with the United States. Keywords: Iran’s national security, U.S.-China conflict, military capabilities, military cooperation, Far East. Introduction The conflict between the United States and China in the Far East is one of the most significant geopolitical developments of the 21st century, with profound implications for the global balance of power and regional security. This rivalry extends beyond the economic sphere, encompassing political, military, and security dimensions as well. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a key player in the Middle East, has been directly and indirectly affected by these developments and has reassessed its national interests and security in light of this conflict. This study aims to examine the impact of the U.S.-China conflict on Iran’s national security, particularly in the military domain. The main hypothesis is that intensified military competition between the U.S. and China will lead to increased military cooperation between Iran and China, as well as the advancement of Iran’s defense capabilities. Materials and Methods This research employs a qualitative analysis of documents and academic articles. Data for this study have been gathered from various sources, including academic publications, military reports, and documents issued by international organizations and research institutes. These sources provide a comprehensive analysis of the military, security, and geopolitical changes resulting from the U.S.-China conflict. Additionally, qualitative content analysis has been used to extract relevant data and assess the impact of this conflict on Iran’s military policies and strategies. The objective of this method is to uncover the relationships and implications of the rivalry between these two global powers for Iran’s regional policies and defense capabilities. <span style="font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">Discussion The U.S.-China conflict in the Far East has evolved with increasing military and political competition in various arenas, particularly in the South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean. On one hand, the U.S. seeks to curb China’s influence by strengthening military alliances and expanding its presence in strategic areas. On the other hand, China is working to mitigate threats and reinforce its position by enhancing its military capabilities and expanding its diplomatic relationships. This rivalry has had significant effects on other countries, particularly Iran. As a key nation in the Middle East, Iran is strategically positioned to capitalize on these competitions. In recent years, under economic and political pressure from the U.S., Iran has sought to strengthen its relations with China. One of the key aspects of this relationship is military cooperation. Given its reliance on Middle Eastern energy resources and raw materials, China views Iran as a strategic partner, while Iran seeks to counterbalance the void created by U.S. and Western pressures through expanded military and economic collaboration with China. One of the most significant ways Iran has benefited from this cooperation is through the enhancement of its military capabilities. By developing military technologies, particularly in missile and drone systems, Iran has aimed to bolster its defenses against external threats, primarily from the U.S. Military cooperation with China has provided Iran with access to advanced technologies, enabling improvements in its defense capabilities. Additionally, Iran has sought to strengthen its military presence in strategic areas such as the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, as these regions play a crucial role in national security and the protection of economic interests. In the naval domain, Iran has made significant efforts to expand its presence in international waters. The country has increased both the quantity and quality of its naval fleet to enhance its deterrence capabilities against external threats. The Iranian Navy’s presence in sensitive and strategic areas, including the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and even the Red Sea, underscores Iran’s determination to protect its interests against regional and international threats. <span style="font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi;">Conclusion The U.S.-China conflict in the Far East has had direct and indirect effects on Iran’s military and security policies. The intensification of military competition between these two global powers has created opportunities for Iran to enhance its national security by increasing military cooperation with China and developing its defense capabilities. Despite pressures from the U.S. and Western countries, Iran has been able to leverage this situation to strengthen its military capabilities. However, the expansion of military ties and Iran’s growing military presence in strategic regions could lead to heightened international tensions and increased political and economic pressures from the U.S. and its allies. Furthermore, this conflict has increased Iran’s need to strengthen its diplomatic and military relations with other nations, including Russia. Nonetheless, expanding military cooperation with China remains a crucial strategy for Iran in countering external threats, particularly from the U.S. Iran must carefully manage the development of these ties and the enhancement of its defense capabilities to maintain effective deterrence against international threats and pressures. In conclusion, while the U.S.-China conflict has presented strategic opportunities for Iran, the potential consequences must be approached with caution. Increased regional and global tensions, along with intensified economic pressures, could pose new challenges to Iran’s security and military policies. منازعه میان ایالات متحده و چین در خاور دور پیامدهای گسترده‌ای بر توازن قوا و امنیت منطقه‌ای داشته است. این تحقیق با طرح این سؤال که چگونه منازعه آمریکا و چین بر امنیت ملی ایران، به‌ویژه در بعد نظامی، تأثیر می‌گذارد، به بررسی این تأثیرات می‌پردازد. فرضیه اصلی این است که تشدید رقابت نظامی میان آمریکا و چین، موجب افزایش همکاری‌های نظامی ایران با چین و توسعه توانمندی‌های دفاعی این کشور می‌شود. در این راستا، ایران تلاش کرده است با تقویت نیروی دریایی خود در خلیج فارس و دریای عمان و توسعه فناوری‌های نظامی، امنیت ملی خود را در برابر تهدیدات خارجی، به‌ویژه فشارهای آمریکا، ارتقا دهد. روش تحقیق این پژوهش بر اساس تحلیل کیفی اسناد و مقالات علمی است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که ایران با همکاری‌های نظامی با چین و تقویت حضور نظامی خود در مناطق استراتژیک، توانسته است بازدارندگی خود را در برابر تهدیدات افزایش دهد؛ هرچند این روند می‌تواند منجر به تشدید فشارهای بین‌المللی و افزایش تنش‌ها با آمریکا شود

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9764_0aa2ebf701adab64a123a01be6dcc018.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 Strategies to achieve modern Islamic civilization using Meta-Synthesis method راهبردهای نیل به تمدن نوین اسلامی با استفاده از روش فراترکیب 183 216 9880 10.30465/cps.2024.46070.3228 FA محمدعلی صدرشیرازی گروه اندیشه سیاسی، دانشکده علوم سیاسی،، پژوهشکده امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، ایران یحیی فوزی استاد علوم سیاسی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی سید صدرالدین موسوی گروه اندیشه سیاسی در اسلام، پژوهشکده امام خمینی و انقلاب اسلامی، تهران، جمهوری اسلامی ایران زاهد غفاری هشجین استاد تمام علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه شاهد، تهران، جمهوری اسلامی ایران 0000-0003-0038-2283 Journal Article 2023 07 09 Abstract Achieving the goal of new Islamic civilization requires a kind of theoretical synergy and also relying on the findings of existing research works. These works, despite their breadth, are faced with the harm of parallel work and sometimes confusion in the findings. With the aim of solving this problem and answering the question that "based on how new Islamic civilization is represented in written works after the Islamic revolution, what are the strategies to achieve it and what are the central core of these strategies?", seeking to extract an explanatory model among available findings. In this way, we chose the Meta-Synthesis method and in the form of its steps, from 514 strategies extracted from 296 research works, into 52 categories and four meta-categories: "progress-oriented monotheistic software production", "enhancement of religious, native and revolutionary culture and its application at the level of governance and society", "reform of political structures and behaviors in the framework of regional religious democratic governments and aimed at Ummah-building" and "development of science and justice-oriented material life, aimed at promoting Spiritual", we achieved. By putting these four points together, the focal core of the theoretical model can be considered as "a theoretical and practical movement aimed at improving the material and spiritual life with the aim of realizing a virtuous life in the Islamic Ummah". Keywords: civilization, Islamic civilization, new Islamic civilization, Meta-Synthesis method, Imam Khomeini, Ayatollah Khamenei <span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;">Introduction Achieving a comprehensive, sustainable and homogeneous development in the country and the Islamic world is not possible except through achieving a new civilization based on Islam. Exit from the rule of opposing civilizations passes through this path. Therefore, the thoughts of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution, as well as their practical course in the positive movement after the Islamic Revolution, express the demand for a new civilization in the movement of the Islamic Revolution. Imam Khomeini (RA) based on his civilizational view, while criticizing the existing western civilization and the civilization claimed by the Pahlavi regime under titles such as "Great Civilization", mentioned the revival of Islamic civilization as an important goal of the Islamic government. Ayatollah Khamenei also developed the civilizational system of thought by continuing to lay the foundations of Imam Khomeini's civilization on the path of the Islamic Revolution, along with new conceptualizations. Based on the above importance and in the position of operationalizing the realization of modern Islamic civilization, the necessity of some kind of theoretical consensus on it and its approval on the basis of previous studies and researches is evident. The deficiency in this consensus forms the main necessity of the current research. Regarding the nature of modern Islamic civilization and the ways to achieve it, various works have been published by Iranian and non-Iranian researchers in the form of articles, books and lectures. However, these works, despite their breadth, face the problem of parallel work, lack of coherence and, consequently, lack of synergy in the findings. That is why some of these efforts have been repeated with common main and secondary questions, and others have reached different and sometimes contradictory results in terms of explaining what this civilization is and the strategies for its realization. On the other hand, despite the need for practical output in civilization studies, the researcher of this field can hardly find the point that the literature of previous studies has reached and discover the position and mission of his research. Therefore, it is necessary to find a revised synthesis with complementary components from a very large and sometimes chaotic and even conflicting volume of information in the field of modern Islamic civilization; An innovative mission that shaped the problem of this research. The topics raised under the topic of modern Islamic civilization include different axes such as the foundations, components and obstacles of this ideal and strategies to achieve it. Since the macro of these axes has been studied in the extensive research of the responsible author (Sadr Shirazi, 1402), in the current research only the critical discussion of strategies to achieve this goal has been examined. The practical axis of "Strategies" is of double importance because it is the intermediate link between the theoretical issues of modern Islamic civilization and the step of its implementation. With the above prerequisites, this research was done by focusing on the importance of providing a more comprehensive insight and away from the mentioned harms. This effort, by theoretically organizing the existing written works in the field of modern Islamic civilization and achieving a synthesis and a theoretical model among these works, sought to answer the question, "Through which strategies is the realization of the modern Islamic civilization possible?". <span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;">Materials & Methods Considering its purpose and distinctiveness, this research has used the Meta Synthesis method and has reached from the primary data to the largest categories and finally a common understanding of the practical strategies of modern Islamic civilization. The idea of qualitative meta-analysis (Meta Synthesis) seems to have been formally proposed by Stern and Harris in 1985 (Abadi and Amiri, 2018). In this method, researchers start their work with the premise that Access to reality is possible only through social structures such as language and common meanings, and therefore they try to understand themes extracted from language or understanding the meanings that people give to phenomena, through theology. understand them. (Fawzi, 1400 A: 235) Different methodologists consider different steps for metasynthesis. Meanwhile, Sandelowski and Barroso's model (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2007) is very popular among metaphysical researchers. The current research will be inspired by its steps. These steps, with a slight change according to the needs of this article, are, respectively: formulation of the question, review of the literature in a systematic form, deep search and final selection of the studied community, extraction of research information, data combination and finally presentation of the results. <span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;">Discussion & Result Based on the findings of selected research works, a treasure including 514 distinct strategies and solutions have been extracted, these strategies include 11 big categories including 22 sub-categories, all of which can be divided into four main meta-categories below. are divisions. These meta-categories, which are derived from four types of strategies (theoretical, cultural, objective and political development), will form the joints of the theoretical model. These joints are: 1. Science-oriented and justice-oriented development of material life aimed at spiritual advancement, 2. Reforming political structures and behaviors in the framework of regional religious democratic governments and aimed at nation-building, 3. Production of monotheistic development software based on rationality and a civilizational outlook. and 4. Promotion of insight, beliefs and religious, indigenous and revolutionary culture and its application at the level of governance and the general society. <span style="mso-bidi-font-size: 10.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; letter-spacing: 0pt;">Conclusion By putting together the above-mentioned four meta-categories and considering the 514 concepts emphasized by the selected researchers and their categorization process, it is possible to define the focal core of the theoretical model and the highest point of the abstract movement, "movement Both theoretical and practical aimed at improving material and spiritual life with the aim of realizing good life in the Islamic Ummah. It is claimed that all the extracted concepts and categories are in the form of capillaries and networks of this core, and on the other hand, this point gives meaning and life to all those labeled concepts and categories. نیل به آرمان تمدن نوین اسلامی، نیازمند نوعی هم‌افزایی نظری و نیز ابتناء بر پشتوانه‌ی یافته‌های آثار پژوهشی موجود است. این آثار، علی‌رغم گستردگی با آسیب موازی‌کاری و بعضا آشفتگی در یافته‌ها مواجه‌اند. پژوهش حاضر با هدف حل این مسئله و پاسخ به این پرسش که «براساس چگونگی بازنمایی تمدن نوین اسلامی در آثار مکتوب پس از انقلاب اسلامی، راهبردهای نیل به آن و هسته‌ی مرکزی این راهبردها کدامند؟»، به‌دنبال استخراج مدلی تبیینی از میان یافته‌های موجود است. در این مسیر، روش فراترکیب را برگزیدیم و در قالب گام‌های آن، از دل 514 راهبرد مستخرج از 296 اثر پژوهشی، به 52 مقوله‌ و سپس چهار فرامقوله‌ی «تولید نرم‌افزار توحیدمحور پیشرفت»، «ارتقای فرهنگ دینی، بومی و انقلابی و کاربست آن در سطح حکمرانی و جامعه»، «اصلاح ساختارها و رفتارهای سیاسی در چارچوب حکومت‌های مردم‌سالار دینی منطقه‌ای و معطوف به امت‌سازی» و «توسعه‌ی علم‌محور و عدالت‌گرای زندگی مادی، معطوف به ارتقای معنوی»، دست یافتیم. با کنارهم گذاردن این چهار مفصل، هسته‌ی کانونی مدل نظری حاصل از یافته‌ها، «حرکت توامان نظری و عملی معطوف به ارتقاء زیست مادی ومعنوی باهدف تحقق حیات طیبه در امت اسلامی» بیان شد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9880_5a16bce575f3ddce9c819de125ba0029.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 The Role and Benefits of Nuclear Energy in Ensuring Iran's Energy Security نقش و منافع انرژی هسته‌ای در تامین امنیت انرژی ایران 217 244 9789 10.30465/cps.2024.50334.3465 FA محمد صادق جوکار استادیار پژوهشکده اقتصاد انرژی، موسسه مطالعات بین‌المللی انرژی(وابسته به وزارت نفت)، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 25 Abstract TThe present research examines the role and benefits of nuclear energy in enhancing Iran’s energy security. The central question is how nuclear energy can reduce Iran's dependence on fossil fuels and bolster energy security. This question holds particular significance given that Iran is among the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the Middle East. The main hypothesis is that with the expansion of nuclear energy, Iran can meet domestic energy demands while mitigating risks associated with global energy market fluctuations and climate change, potentially creating foreign policy leverage through deterrence against external threats. The methodology includes analyzing documentation, credible scientific articles, and international reports on the topic. Findings suggest that nuclear energy, as a stable and low-carbon resource, helps diversify Iran's energy portfolio and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Given Iran’s high dependence on fossil fuels, nuclear energy could improve energy security and expand the country’s power generation capacity. Additionally, considering Iran's location amid Western-aligned and nuclear-armed countries, this energy source could serve as a deterrent against foreign threats. Keywords: Energy Security Nuclear Energy Iran Sustainable Development Fossil Fuels. Introduction Iran's energy security is crucial for both its economic stability and political autonomy. With a growing demand for electricity, an increasing reliance on fossil fuels, and a challenging geopolitical environment, Iran faces significant hurdles in securing a reliable energy future. This study focuses on exploring how nuclear energy can play a vital role in reducing Iran’s dependence on fossil fuels, enhancing energy security, and potentially mitigating international environmental concerns related to greenhouse gas emissions. The central question of this research is: How can nuclear energy contribute to reducing Iran's reliance on fossil fuels and enhancing its energy security? This question gains particular relevance given Iran’s status as one of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the Middle East. The primary hypothesis is that the development of nuclear energy could allow Iran to meet its domestic energy needs while mitigating risks associated with global energy market fluctuations and climate change. Furthermore, the expansion of nuclear energy could strengthen Iran’s foreign policy stance, providing a deterrent effect against external threats by establishing greater energy independence and reducing reliance on international energy markets. Despite the potential benefits, Iran’s nuclear energy program faces considerable challenges. International sanctions, particularly those aimed at preventing nuclear proliferation, limit Iran’s access to the technology and resources needed to expand its nuclear energy sector. Sanctions also create logistical and financial constraints, which can slow the pace of development and make it difficult to maintain existing nuclear infrastructure. Additionally, global skepticism about Iran’s intentions with its nuclear program, given its complex political landscape, means that any expansion of nuclear energy will likely continue to be met with caution by the international community. Environmental concerns related to nuclear waste management also pose a challenge, as Iran must ensure that its nuclear facilities adhere to international safety standards. Proper waste management and safety measures are critical to preventing environmental risks, which could have severe consequences for Iran’s population and ecosystem if not carefully managed. Building public trust around nuclear energy requires transparent communication about safety protocols and international collaboration, both of which are challenging in Iran's current geopolitical context. Materials & Methods This study uses a qualitative research method based on document analysis. It reviews scientific articles, policy reports, and international documents on nuclear energy and energy security. The research method is focused on a thorough analysis of credible sources to gain insights into the multifaceted role of nuclear energy in enhancing Iran’s energy security. Discussion & Result 1. Diversification of Iran's Energy Portfolio Iran's energy sector is heavily reliant on fossil fuels, which not only contribute to environmental degradation but also leave the country vulnerable to market fluctuations and sanctions. A nuclear energy program offers a pathway for diversifying Iran’s energy mix, providing a low-carbon alternative to fossil fuels. Nuclear energy has the advantage of being a stable and reliable source of power, as opposed to renewable energy sources that may be affected by climatic conditions. As such, nuclear power could enable Iran to build a more resilient energy infrastructure less exposed to global fossil fuel market volatility. 2. Reduction in Greenhouse Gas Emissions Given its high level of greenhouse gas emissions, Iran faces international pressure to adopt cleaner energy sources. Nuclear energy, being a low-carbon source of power, can significantly reduce emissions if it replaces a portion of the fossil fuels currently used for electricity generation. This transition would support Iran in meeting environmental commitments, aligning with global climate targets, and improving its image on the international stage. Additionally, a decrease in carbon emissions could help Iran reduce the impact of climate change, which poses a threat to its agriculture, water resources, and economy. 3. Energy Security and Economic Stability Energy security is a strategic goal for Iran, particularly because the country’s economic stability is closely tied to its energy resources. Nuclear energy provides a steady and domestically-controlled supply of electricity, reducing the need to import energy resources or rely on unstable international markets. Developing nuclear infrastructure could also stimulate technological advancement, generate employment, and attract investments, thereby supporting Iran’s economy. A robust nuclear energy sector could serve as a long-term safeguard against external pressures, especially sanctions targeting its oil and gas industries. 4. Enhancing Power Generation Capacity The rising demand for electricity in Iran, coupled with a high dependency on natural gas, poses challenges for sustained energy supply. Nuclear energy could significantly bolster Iran’s power generation capacity, meeting the growing demand for electricity while alleviating pressure on fossil fuel resources. Increased nuclear capacity can contribute to grid stability and reduce electricity shortages, which are increasingly common due to rising consumption and the impact of climate change on water availability (affecting hydropower). This shift not only supports energy security but also aligns with Iran’s broader goal of energy sustainability. 5. Foreign Policy and National Security Iran’s pursuit of nuclear energy has implications beyond energy policy, potentially serving as a tool in its foreign policy. In the context of regional tensions and threats from foreign powers, nuclear energy can contribute to Iran’s deterrence capability by ensuring it has a self-sustaining energy supply less vulnerable to external manipulation. While nuclear energy for peaceful purposes is distinguished from military applications, the establishment of a domestic nuclear industry enhances Iran's strategic autonomy and may serve as a soft deterrent in regional geopolitics. By developing this capacity, Iran can better navigate international dynamics while strengthening its security posture in a region where many countries either possess or are backed by nuclear capabilities. Conclusion Nuclear energy holds considerable promise for enhancing Iran’s energy security by diversifying its energy portfolio, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and strengthening its position in foreign policy. A stable, low-carbon energy source like nuclear power can support Iran’s transition away from fossil fuels, helping it meet both its energy needs and environmental responsibilities. The integration of nuclear energy into Iran’s energy strategy also has the potential to provide a shield against international pressures, particularly in the face of economic sanctions and regional threats. However, the path forward for Iran’s nuclear energy program is complex, involving not only technical and economic considerations but also the need to navigate political challenges. To realize the full benefits of nuclear energy, Iran will need to address concerns related to international security, nuclear non-proliferation, and environmental protection. A carefully managed nuclear program that prioritizes transparency and cooperation could position Iran as a leader in sustainable energy in the region, helping to secure its energy future in an increasingly volatile world. By leveraging nuclear energy as part of a diversified and sustainable energy portfolio, Iran can achieve greater energy independence, mitigate the effects of climate change, and strengthen its economic resilience. Moreover, a stable nuclear energy supply could reinforce Iran’s sovereignty, providing a strategic buffer against external pressures. تحقیق حاضر به بررسی نقش و منافع انرژی هسته‌ای در تأمین امنیت انرژی ایران می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی این تحقیق این است که چگونه انرژی هسته‌ای می‌تواند به کاهش وابستگی ایران به سوخت‌های فسیلی و افزایش امنیت انرژی کمک کند؟ با توجه به اینکه ایران یکی از بزرگ‌ترین تولیدکنندگان گازهای گلخانه‌ای در خاورمیانه است، این سؤال اهمیت خاصی دارد. فرضیه‌ی اصلی این است که با توسعه انرژی هسته‌ای، ایران می‌تواند ضمن تأمین نیازهای داخلی، ریسک‌های مربوط به نوسانات بازار جهانی انرژی و تغییرات اقلیمی را کاهش دهد و در سیاست خارجی نیز بازدارندگی در مقابل تهدیدات خارجی ایجاد کند. روش تحقیق شامل تجزیه و تحلیل مستندات، مقالات علمی معتبر و گزارش‌های بین‌المللی در این زمینه است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که انرژی هسته‌ای به عنوان منبعی پایدار و کم‌کربن، به تنوع‌بخشی به سبد انرژی کشور و کاهش انتشار گازهای گلخانه‌ای کمک می‌کند. با توجه به وابستگی بالای ایران به سوخت‌های فسیلی، استفاده از انرژی هسته‌ای می‌تواند به بهبود امنیت انرژی و افزایش ظرفیت‌های تولید برق کشور منجر شود. علاوه براین با ملاحظه تهدیدات فراوان خارجی در بعد امنیتی و قرار گرفتن در میان کشورهای حامی غرب و نیز هسته ای، این امر می تواند به بازدارندگی در مقابل تهدیدات بیگانه منجر شود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9789_0cc918dec28dbd91f6006a2ce8101e2e.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 The Decision-Making Logic of Imam Khomeini (RA) in Iran's Internal Affairs: with an Islamic Approach تحلیل منطق تصمیم‌گیری امام خمینی(ره) در مسائل داخلی کشور: با رویکرد اسلامی 245 269 9754 10.30465/cps.2024.50166.3451 FA امیر فاضلی استادیار،گروه معارف اسلامی،دانشکده پزشکی، دانشگاه علوم پزشکی کرمانشاه، کرمانشاه ، ایران میترا بهرامی استادیار، گروه معارف اسلامی،دانشکده پزشکی، دانشگاه علوم پزشکی کرمانشاه،کرمانشاه،ایران Journal Article 2024 10 05 Abstract One of the vital issues in the establishment and stabilization of the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the sensitive and significant decisions of Imam Khomeini (RA) in various events in the country. The purpose of this research is to investigate the logic of their decisions in the internal issues of the country. The current research is based on the statements and decisions of the Imam (RA) using the "descriptive-analytical" method. The findings of the research are: the decision-making logic of the Great Leader of the Islamic Revolution in the internal issues of the country, which includes the following: the formation of an Islamic government, practice and adherence to the law, expediency, using collective reason and consultation, reconciling politics and Sharia, dealing with opponents and hypocrites and finally, revision of the constitution. The results show that in the view of Imam Khomeini (RA), adherence to the implementation of these factors in important national decisions is very important. Therefore, identifying these factors will help us to have a suitable strategy for rational and constructive decisions for the future of the country. Keywords: Leader؛ logic؛ decision؛ expediency؛ reason؛ Islam. Introduction The establishment and stabilization of the Islamic Republic of Iran were deeply influenced by the decisive and pivotal decision-making of Imam Khomeini (RA), the founder and leader of the revolution. As one of the most prominent figures of the 20th century, Imam Khomeini’s decisions during critical moments in the early years of the Islamic Republic played a fundamental role in shaping Iran’s political, social, and religious landscape. His approach to governance was deeply rooted in Islamic jurisprudence, but at the same time, it reflected a keen awareness of contemporary political realities. This research aims to examine the logic underlying Imam Khomeini’s decision-making process in internal matters of the country. By analyzing his speeches, actions, and directives during the formative years of the Islamic Republic, we can better understand the principles and strategies that guided his leadership. These include the establishment of Islamic governance, adherence to law, political pragmatism, consultation and collective wisdom, reconciliation between religion and politics, handling opposition, and constitutional reforms. Understanding Imam Khomeini’s decision-making logic is not only critical for analyzing the early years of the Islamic Republic but also for formulating effective decision-making frameworks for the future of Iran. The study applies a descriptive-analytical method, relying on historical documents and the Imam’s writings to draw conclusions about his leadership style and decision-making principles. What was the decision-making logic of Imam Khomeini in addressing internal issues of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and how did it contribute to the stability and development of the new government? Imam Khomeini’s decision-making was based on a unique combination of Islamic principles, collective wisdom, and pragmatic considerations. His decisions were not only guided by religious jurisprudence but also by a deep understanding of the socio-political context of the time. The hypothesis suggests that his adherence to Islamic governance, consultation, and pragmatic policy-making ensured the sustainability and stability of the Islamic Republic, while his flexible approach allowed for constitutional reform and adaptation in response to changing circumstances. Materials & Methods The research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, focusing on the analysis of Imam Khomeini’s speeches, letters, and decisions in critical moments. The study relies on both primary and secondary sources, including documented speeches of Imam Khomeini, historical accounts, and scholarly analyses of his leadership during the early years of the Islamic Republic. The analysis is structured around key themes in his decision-making logic, including the formation of Islamic government, adherence to the rule of law, consultation and collective wisdom, the balancing of religion and politics, pragmatic decision-making, dealing with opposition, and constitutional reforms. Each theme is explored in detail to demonstrate how Imam Khomeini’s decisions contributed to the establishment and stabilization of the Islamic Republic. Discussion & Result 1. Establishment of Islamic Governance Imam Khomeini’s decision to establish an Islamic government was rooted in his deep commitment to the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, particularly the concept of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist). He believed that governance should be based on Islamic law (Sharia) and that religious scholars, who are well-versed in Islamic jurisprudence, should oversee the political affairs of the country. This principle became the cornerstone of the Islamic Republic’s political system. However, Imam Khomeini’s approach was not purely theoretical. He understood the complexities of establishing a new government after the fall of the Pahlavi monarchy and took pragmatic steps to ensure the smooth transition of power. For instance, he emphasized the need for popular support and democratic participation in the formation of the new government. The referendum on the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979 is an example of his willingness to involve the people in the decision-making process, thereby ensuring legitimacy for the new system. 2. Adherence to Law Another key aspect of Imam Khomeini’s decision-making was his strong adherence to the rule of law. He believed that the legitimacy of any government depends on its commitment to upholding justice and enforcing laws based on Islamic principles. This is evident in his emphasis on the implementation of Islamic law in all aspects of governance. However, Imam Khomeini’s adherence to law was not rigid. He recognized that laws must be adapted to the changing circumstances of society. This flexibility allowed him to introduce reforms in the legal and constitutional framework of the Islamic Republic. For example, the 1989 constitutional amendments, which redefined the role of the presidency and the Velayat-e Faqih, demonstrate his ability to adapt the legal structure to meet the needs of the country’s evolving political landscape. 3. Pragmatism and Expediency While Imam Khomeini was deeply committed to Islamic principles, he was also a pragmatist who understood the importance of political expediency. In his decision-making, he often prioritized the greater good of the Islamic Republic over strict adherence to ideological purity. This is most evident in his concept of Maslahat (expediency), which allowed him to justify certain decisions that might not have aligned perfectly with Islamic law but were necessary for the survival and stability of the state. One notable example is the establishment of the Expediency Discernment Council, an institution designed to resolve conflicts between the parliament and the Guardian Council. This institution reflects Imam Khomeini’s pragmatic approach to governance, as it allowed for the resolution of political disputes in a manner that prioritized the interests of the nation. 4. Collective Wisdom and Consultation Imam Khomeini placed great importance on consultation and collective wisdom (Shura) in his decision-making process. He frequently sought the advice of scholars, politicians, and military leaders before making critical decisions. This reliance on collective wisdom not only ensured that his decisions were well-informed but also fostered a sense of unity and shared responsibility among Iran’s leadership. Consultation was particularly important in matters of national security, such as the Iran-Iraq War. Imam Khomeini’s decision to continue the war after the recapture of Khorramshahr was based on the collective advice of military commanders and political leaders, who believed that further fighting was necessary to secure Iran’s borders. 5. Reconciliation of Religion and Politics A key feature of Imam Khomeini’s decision-making was his ability to reconcile Islamic principles with the realities of modern politics. He believed that Islam and politics were inseparable and that religious values should guide political decisions. However, he also recognized the need to engage with the international community and adopt modern political practices to ensure the survival of the Islamic Republic. This balancing act is evident in his foreign policy decisions, such as his decision to release American hostages in 1981. While many hardliners opposed the decision on ideological grounds, Imam Khomeini saw it as a necessary step to de-escalate tensions with the United States and focus on domestic challenges. 6. Handling Opposition and Enemies Imam Khomeini’s decision-making logic also extended to dealing with opposition, particularly the Monafeqin (hypocrites) and other groups that posed a threat to the Islamic Republic. He believed in taking a firm stance against internal enemies, as demonstrated by his crackdown on opposition groups such as the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK). While his approach to dealing with opposition was often harsh, it was consistent with his belief that the survival of the Islamic Republic required strong and decisive leadership. 7. Constitutional Reforms Finally, Imam Khomeini’s decision to initiate constitutional reforms in 1989 was a testament to his flexibility and foresight. The amendments, which included changes to the role of the presidency and the expansion of the Velayat-e Faqih, reflected his recognition that the political structure of the Islamic Republic needed to evolve to meet the challenges of the post-war period. Conclusion The decision-making logic of Imam Khomeini was characterized by a combination of Islamic principles, pragmatism, collective wisdom, and flexibility. His decisions were rooted in a deep commitment to establishing and maintaining an Islamic government, but they were also informed by the practical realities of governing a modern state. By adhering to the rule of law, prioritizing the greater good, and consulting with others, Imam Khomeini was able to navigate the complex political challenges of the time and ensure the stability and survival of the Islamic Republic. Understanding Imam Khomeini’s decision-making logic provides valuable insights into the governance of Iran and offers a framework for future decision-making that balances Islamic principles with pragmatic considerations. His approach demonstrates the importance of adaptability, consultation, and prioritizing national interests in ensuring the long-term success of the Islamic Republic. یکی از مسائل حیاتی در استقرار و تثبیت نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران، تصمیم‌گیری‌های حساس و قابل توجه حضرت امام‌خمینی(ره)در رویداهای مختلف در کشور است، ایشان از حکمای سده اخیر و پرورش یافته حوزه قم و منشاء خدمات و تصمیم‌گیری‌های مهم بوده است. هدف در این پژوهش، بررسی منطق تصمیم‌گیری‌های ایشان در مسائل داخلی کشور می‌باشد. پژوهش حاضر با استناد به بیانات و تصمیمات امام(ره) به روش «توصیفی تحلیلی» انجام گرفته است. یافتههای تحقیق عبارت است از: منطق تصمیم‌گیری رهبر کبیر انقلاب اسلامی در مسائل داخلی کشور،که شامل موارد ذیل است: تشکیل حکومت اسلامی، عمل و پای‌بندی به قانون، مصلحت‌سنجی، بهره‌گیری از عقل جمعی و مشورت، آشتی‌دادن سیاست و شریعت، برخورد با معاندین و منافقین و درنهایت، بازنگری در قانون اساسی. نتایج بیانگر آن است که در دیدگاه امام‌خمینی(ره)، پای‌بندی به اجرای این عوامل در تصمیم‌گیری‌های مهم کشوری بسیار حائز اهمیت است. لذا، شناسایی این عوامل به ما کمک خواهد کرد که راهبرد مناسبی برای تصمیم‌گیری‌های منطقی و سازنده برای آینده کشور داشته باشیم.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9754_bc37e109d92bdc1ea71da6c919d54907.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 15 4 2025 02 19 analysis of the relationship between the Islamic Revolution and the modern Islamic civilization with developments in Syria and Lebanon تحلیل رابطۀ انقلاب اسلامی و تمدن نوین اسلامی با تحولات سوریه و لبنان 271 307 10258 10.30465/cps.2025.51818.3555 FA سید رسول حسینی دانشجوی دکتری اندیشۀ سیاسی در اسلام، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران. فرهاد زیویار دانشیار پژوهشکده اندیشه سیاسی، انقلاب و تمدن اسلامی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران. 0000-0003-2423-3653 مسعود مطلبی استادیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران 0000-0002-4854-6542 Journal Article 2025 05 02 Abstract With the emergence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, universal values based on the foundations of the Islamic religion and the formation of a religious government emanating from the people formed a discourse at the global level that is referred to as the new Islamic civilization. In fact, the practical and objective model of the new Islamic civilization influenced by the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the objectification of the rule of religion in practice became the reviver of Islamic and Iranian culture and civilization. The present study, by posing the question of what was the relationship between the regional developments, especially the axis of resistance (Syria, Lebanon), and the Islamic Revolution, and what role can these developments play in realizing the new Islamic civilization? It emphasizes that the Islamic Revolution of Iran has certainly been one of the determining and influential forces of the contemporary era in the field of civilization-building at the global level. To achieve this goal, using the method of meta-analysis, the attitude of the leaders of the revolution and the foreign policy apparatus has been to directly influence the countries of the Islamic world, especially the member countries of the axis of resistance (Lebanon, Syria). The goal of realizing a new Islamic civilization in the aforementioned countries was based on their anti-Western approach, shared cultural and historical ties, shared Shiite religion, and competition with the West. The research findings show that the Islamic Revolution has been able to provide a basis for modeling a new Islamic civilization in the social body of the countries that are members of the Resistance Front. Of course, the main idea of the article is based on the statements of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution; on the basis that resistance is a software phenomenon, not a hardware one, which will be destroyed with the martyrdom of leaders and the destruction of facilities. Keywords: Islamic Revolution, Modern Islamic Civilization, Iran, Axis of Resistance, Syria, Lebanon. Introduction The founding prerequisites of civilization can be divided into two categories: soft components (science, religion, art), which are known as the mental and spiritual elements of civilization, and hard components, which include geographical area, human population, city (state, political system, territory), economy, and technology. The role of soft components is to provide content to the behavior of a group of humans throughout the history of a particular civilization. While hard components are experienced systems that can change human behavior based on the conditions of time and place. In fact, every civilization has fixed, unchangeable principles, or soft premises, and behavioral patterns conditioned by the conditions of the time, which have been the most important factors in the emergence and crystallization of different civilizations throughout history, including Islamic civilization. In a general definition, Islamic civilization is a religious civilization that is centered on Islam and has all the characteristics of divine civilization within the framework of Quranic teachings, relying on the tradition of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and its components, religion, ethics, science, justice, laws, regulations, religious principles, etc. This civilization reached its peak with the emergence of Islam by the fifth century AH. However, it declined and weakened due to various reasons, including changes and distortions in its fixed principles and disregard for the relative principles of civilization, including the role of people in the political system and disregard for empirical sciences. The establishment of the Safavid governments in Iran and the Ottoman Empire and familiarity with the West raised the need for a civilizational awakening in Islamic societies. The occurrence of political and social revolutions during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries raised the issue of how to build a new Islamic civilization in the face of Western civilization. Materials & Methods The present study is fundamental in type and descriptive-analytical in approach. The descriptive-analytical research method describes and interprets what is, and pays attention to existing conditions or relationships, common beliefs, ongoing processes, visible effects or developing trends, and analyzes and examines existing conditions and the meaningful relationship between variables, and provides a modeled analysis of the subject under study by utilizing theoretical concepts. Its focus is primarily on the present, although it often also examines past events and effects that are related to existing conditions. Thus, the present study was conducted with a descriptive-analytical approach, and information and data were collected in a documentary-library form, and then, using a conceptual framework that has a high ability to understand the ontology of the relationship between the Islamic Revolution and the modern Islamic civilization with the developments in Syria and Lebanon, it described and analyzed the existential components of this relationship. Discussion & Result With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, a turning point was created in the history of Islamic civilization, and with the transformation of the equations governing collective life, a suitable space was provided for the construction of a new Islamic civilization in Iran and other countries in the Middle East. In fact, it can be said that the Islamic Revolution, under the leadership of the Imam (may Allah have mercy on him) and the wisdom of the Supreme Leader, is a reliable point for starting the process of building a new Islamic civilization, which, considering the fixed principles in the history of Islamic civilization, namely the Quran and Sunnah on the one hand, and paying attention to the national and regional capacities on the other hand, seeks a new order of civilization that is commensurate with the interests and ideals of the nations of the region. What capacities is the model of a new Islamic civilization based on and what are the limitations facing it? The model of a new Islamic civilization aims to create a divine and modern civilization by utilizing Islamic tradition as well as useful scientific and experimental modern achievements at the technological level, so that it can include all the spiritual and material aspects of a divine civilization. For this reason, the plan for a new Islamic civilization and its goals based on the values of the Islamic Revolution of Iran differ from the historical models of Islamic civilization that have been in decline. In fact, it can be said that the plan for a new Islamic civilization addresses two important questions: what is Islamic and Western civilization and how to achieve a new Islamic civilization, considering the approach of the Islamic Revolution to civilization. On the other hand, how to answer these questions in Iran as a new issue and model of the Islamic government for establishing a new civilization has been raised among the popular movements of the Middle East countries, especially the Shiite movements, as the axis of resistance. In other words, the necessity of achieving a new Islamic civilization can be considered the greatest ideal of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the axis of resistance in the Middle East region against the Western civilization model, the path to achieving which is difficult due to the lack of examination of its various dimensions. In this context, explaining the factors for creating a new Islamic civilization by relying on the intellectual foundations of the Islamic Revolution and the developments in the region will clarify the conditions and possibilities ahead, the shortcomings and obstacles before us. Attention to internal limitations and external obstacles, including the presence of colonialists in the region and the rule of their agents over political, military, and economic-regional structures, can be considered among the most important obstacles to the realization of a modern Islamic civilization, and recognizing its various angles and dimensions presents itself as an important issue for the realization of a modern Islamic civilization. Overcoming this space to provide the necessary conditions requires changing the conditions of the region by relying on modeling a modern Islamic civilization in Iran and modeling the resistance movement from it. In this context, the present study attempts to define what a modern Islamic civilization is in the sphere of the goals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and with an emphasis on regional developments, on the one hand, to study the material and spiritual capacities to provide the necessary conditions for a modern Islamic civilization, and on the other hand, to examine the obstacles and shortcomings facing it. Conclusion Finally, it is important to mention that the failure of the Islamic Awakening wave, despite its anti-colonial and anti-oppression nature, in countries other than the axis of resistance indicates that there are very serious enemies and obstacles to the realization of a new Islamic civilization in the Middle East, the most important of which is the West and the Western colonial world, which creates a barrier and obstacles against the hegemony of Islamic civilization. This assumption shows that the most important evidence for the issuance of the revolution, which is based on the Islamic Awakening wave and the opponents of the fact that the revolutions in the region were inspired by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, have not been able to present a model that competes with the theory of a new Islamic civilization to respond to the problems of the Islamic world. In fact, the same civilizational and convergence face of the above revolutions that was created following the main slogans of the Islamic Revolution, namely independence, freedom and a government based on religion, has been created due to the acceptance of Western civilization as a superior civilization, as have the member countries of the axis of resistance. با ظهور انقلاب اسلامی ایران ارزش‌های جهانشمول مبتنی بر مبانی دین اسلام و شکل‌گیری حکومت دینی برآمده از مردم، گفتمانی را در سطح جهانی شکل داد که از آن با عنون تمدن نوین اسلامی یاد می‌شود. در واقع الگوی عملی و عینی تمدن نوین اسلامی متأثر از انقلاب اسلامی ایران و عینیت یافتن حاکمیت دین در عمل به احیاگر فرهنگ و تمدن اسلامی و ایرانی تبدیل شد. پژوهش حاضر با طرح این سؤال که نسبت تحولات منطقه مخصوصاً محور مقاومت (سوریه، لبنان) با انقلاب اسلامی چه بوده و این تحولات برای تحقق تمدن نوین اسلامی چه نقشی می‌تواند داشته باشد؟ بر این موضوع تأکید دارد که ایران انقلاب اسلامی، قطعا یکی از نیروهای تعیین‌کننده و تأثیرگذار دوره معاصر در زمینه تمدن‌سازی در سطح جهانی بوده است. برای تحقق این هدف با روش فراتحلیل، نگرش رهبران انقلاب و دستگاه سیاست خارجی بر تأثیرگذاری مستقیم بر کشورهای جهان اسلام مخصوصا کشورهای عضو محور مقاومت (لبنان، سوریه) بوده است. هدف‌گذاری برای تحقق تمدن نوین اسلامی در کشورهای مذکور با توجه به رویکرد غرب‌ستیز آنها، پیوندهای مشترک فرهنگی و تاریخی، مذهب مشترک تشیع، و رقابت با جریان غرب بوده است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد انقلاب اسلامی توانسته است زمینه الگوسازی از تمدن نوین اسلامی در بدنه اجتماعی کشورهای عضو جبهه مقاومت را فراهم آورد. البته برخی از بخش‌های مقاله بر بیانات رهبر معظم انقلاب اساره دارد درباره اینکه مقاومت یک پدیده نرم‌افزارانه است نه سخت‌افزارانه، که با شهادت رهبران و نابود شدن امکانات از بین برود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10258_bd21307bad44dee908db2db5f6bf23c1.pdf