پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Contents فهرست 10811 FA Journal Article Quarterly Journal of Contemporary Political Studies (Jostarha-ye Siyasi-ye Mo'aser) Vol. 16, No. 1, Spring 2025 Contents The course of evolution in the concept of the Palestinian cause Hamidreza Akbari, 1 The Political Economy Analysis and Influential Variables of the Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (Peace Pipeline) Mehrzad Dalvand; Mohammad Ali Shahriari; Mohammad Reza Aqarabparast, 25 Seyyed Hossein Nasr and the Challenge of Modernity Mohammad Mahdi Esmaeli, 53 Theological foundations of electoral legitimacy from the perspective of Imam Khomeini Mohammad Jafar Heydari, 83 Internal factors and indicators of political decline in U.S.A Mahmoud Dehghani; Masoud Jafari nejhad; Ahmad Azin, 109 Chantal Mouffe: The necessity of projecting a new political ontology in dialogue and debate with contemporary political thinkers Mansour Ansari, 139 Presenting the model of building a decent society of the Islamic Republic of Iran Mahdi Rahmati; Mohamadrahim Eivazi; Ali Morshedi zad, 165 The Doctrine of Predestination in Islamic Theology and Renaissance Thought: A Case Study Comparing Ash'arites and Machiavelli Ali Garavand, 193 The role of seeking the right in reaching the desired goal in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei (Madazaleh). Sayed Ali Mortazavi Emami Zavare; Reza Mahmoud Oghli; Hoseyn Roohani, 219 Genealogy of social movements in post-Islamic revolution Iran: the breakdown of national security Ezatalah Mirzaei; Elham Keshavarz Moghadam, 251 فصل‌نامه علمی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر، دوره 16، شماره 1، بهار 1404 فهرست سیر تحول در مفهوم آرمان فلسطین حمیدرضا اکبری؛ 1 تحلیل اقتصاد سیاسی و متغیرهای تاثیرگذار خط لوله انتقال گاز ایران به پاکستان و هند (خط لوله صلح) مهرزاد دالوند؛ محمد علی شهریاری؛ محمدرضا اقارب پرست؛ 25 سید حسین نصرو چالش مدرنیته محمد مهدی اسماعیلی؛ 53 مبانی کلامی مشروعیت انتخابات از منظر امام خمینی(ره) محمد جعفر حیدری؛ 83 عوامل و شاخصه های داخلی زوال سیاسی در امریکا محمود دهقانی؛ مسعود جعفری نژاد؛ احمد آذین؛ 109 شانتال موف: ضرورت طرح یک هستی شناسی سیاسی جدید در گفتگو و مجادله با متفکران سیاسی معاصر منصور انصاری؛ 139 ارائه الگوی ساخت جامعه شایسته جمهوری اسلامی ایران در گام دوم انقلاب اسلامی مهدی رحمتی؛ محمدرحیم عیوضی؛ علی مرشدی زاد؛ 165 آموزۀ تقدیر در کلام اسلامی و تفکر رنسانس: مطالعۀ موردی مقایسۀ اشاعره و ماکیاولی علی گراوند؛ 193 نقش حق‌خواهی در رسیدن به آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه ‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) و آیت‌ الله خامنه‌ای (مدظله) سیدعلی مرتضوی امامی زواره؛ رضا محموداوغلی؛ حسین روحانی؛ 219 سنخ‌شناسی جنبش‌های اجتماعی در ایران پسا انقلاب اسلامی: گسست امنیت ملی عزت اله میرزایی؛ الهام کشاورز مقدم؛ 251 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10811_d787f83a93f12eb56db58c1268f944e0.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 The course of evolution in the concept of the Palestinian cause سیر تحول در مفهوم آرمان فلسطین 1 23 9363 10.30465/cps.2024.47687.3331 FA حمیدرضا اکبری استادیار پژوهشکده مطالعات سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی Journal Article 2023 12 12 Abstract The Palestinian issue is a complex yet central concern in the Islamic world and one of the most critical unresolved political, security, and social challenges in contemporary history. Despite enduring persistence and resistance, the Palestinian people have suffered the occupation of their land, plunder, persecution, and continuous violation of their natural and human rights due to colonial projects, global powers' interference, and the strategic weaknesses of the Islamic and Arab world. Many Palestinians remain refugees, displaced, and stateless. The establishment of the Israeli state has perpetuated a philosophy of occupation, violence, and crisis in Palestinian territories. Achieving peace, justice, and a dignified future for Palestinians, based on their national identity, requires a solution encompassing their fundamental and legitimate rights. Understanding the Palestinian cause—as a symbol of Palestinian national and international identity—and examining its conceptual and practical evolution is essential for devising a fair resolution. This study aims to analyze the semantic evolution of the Palestinian cause at local, regional, and international levels through critical metaphor analysis, connecting its historical roots to the present and future. Keywords: Palestinian Cause, Resistance, Occupation, Displacement, Identity, Critical Metaphor Analysis. Introduction The Palestinian cause, as one of the most enduring and complex issues of the modern era, holds significant implications for political, social, and religious discourses worldwide. Rooted in colonial interference and strategic weaknesses within the Islamic world, this issue transcends local boundaries, impacting regional and global dynamics. The establishment of Israel in 1948 catalyzed systematic challenges, such as land occupation, identity erosion, and displacement, necessitating a multidimensional analysis to uncover pathways toward justice and stability. Materials & Methods This research employs critical metaphor analysis (CMA) to explore the semantic and ideological transformations of the Palestinian cause. CMA enables a nuanced understanding of the embedded ideologies and worldviews reflected in discourses at three levels: local, regional, and international. The methodological framework involves identifying, interpreting, and explaining metaphors that shape perceptions and policies surrounding the Palestinian issue. Discussions and Results The findings reveal a dynamic evolution in the concept of the Palestinian cause. Locally, it manifests as resistance and identity preservation. Regionally, it symbolizes broader Arab and Islamic unity against colonial and Zionist expansion. Internationally, the cause reflects broader struggles for justice, human rights, and anti-colonial movements. These interconnected dimensions highlight the Palestinian cause as a fluid and adaptive narrative responding to changing geopolitical and socio-cultural landscapes. Analyzing the Palestinian cause through CMA provides critical insights into its role as a cultural and political metaphor. The concept serves as a unifying symbol for diverse struggles, from anti-imperialist movements to human rights advocacy. However, its evolution also underscores challenges, including ideological fragmentation and external interference, which complicate achieving a cohesive resolution. Conclusion The Palestinian cause represents more than a localized struggle; it is a testament to resilience, identity, and the universal quest for justice. Understanding its multifaceted nature and evolving semantics is crucial for fostering informed dialogue and sustainable solutions. This study underscores the importance of interdisciplinary approaches in addressing such deeply rooted and complex issues. مسئله فلسطین، موضوعی پیچیده و در عین حال اصلی‌ترین مسئله جهان اسلام و از مهم‌ترین مسائل سیاسی – امنیتی و اجتماعی حل نشده در جهانِ معاصر است. مردم فلسطین به واسطه طرح‌های استعماری و دخالت قدرت‌های جهانی و ضعف راهبردی جهان اسلام و عرب، علی‌رغم پایداری و مقاومت، متحمل اشغالِ سرزمین، غارت، آزار و اذیت و نقض مداوم حقوق انسانی و طبیعی خود شده‌اند و بسیاری از آن‌ها اکنون پناهنده، آواره و بی‌تابعیت هستند. تشکیل دولت اسرائیل، فلسفه اشغال‌گری، خشونت و بحران آفرینی را به امری مستمر در سرزمین فلسطین تبدیل کرده‌است. از این رو دستیابی به صلح و آرامش، عدالت و آینده‌ای شایسته برای مردم فلسطین بر پایه هویت ملی، مستلزم ارائه راه حلی است که در برگیرنده حقوق اساسی و مسلم آحاد فلسطینی‌ها باشد. درک صحیحِ آرمان فلسطین - به عنوان نمادِ هویت ملی و بین‌المللی فلسطینیان – و شناخت مبانی معرفتی و سیر تحول در مفاهیم و مصادیق آن، سرآغازی لازم و ضروری برای ترسیم راه‌حلِ عادلانه و شرافتمندانه مسئله فلسطین است. این پژوهش بر آن است با خوانش درونی و بیرونی و بررسی تحولِ معنایی آرمان فلسطین در سه سطح محلی، منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی، چگونگی پیوند گذشته با وضعیت حاضر و امتداد آن با آینده را با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل انتقادی استعاره مشخص کند.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9363_4b4c6c207e1e59c5af70b3b4c7b46c5a.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 The Political Economy Analysis and Influential Variables of the Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (Peace Pipeline) تحلیل اقتصاد سیاسی و متغیرهای تاثیرگذار خط لوله انتقال گاز ایران به پاکستان و هند (خط لوله صلح) 25 52 9924 10.30465/cps.2025.50353.3467 FA مهرزاد دالوند دانشجوی مقطع دکتری، گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران. محمد علی شهریاری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بوشهر ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر ، ایران. محمدرضا اقارب پرست استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران Journal Article 2024 10 30 Abstract The Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline, also known as the "Peace Pipeline," represents one of the strategic energy diplomacy projects in South Asia. It aims to foster mutual economic dependence, strengthen regional convergence, and enhance economic, political, and social security in South Asia and the Persian Gulf. Despite its potential benefits, the pipeline has yet to materialize due to numerous obstacles. This study examines the primary factors influencing the project's implementation and its political-economic dimensions. The research hypothesizes that critical challenges include political and military disputes between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region, security threats posed by anti-modern religious factions in Pakistan's Balochistan region, U.S. pressure on India and Pakistan to abandon the project in favor of the TAPI pipeline, and the lack of synergy among gas-exporting countries in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf. Using a descriptive-analytical approach and documentary data, the study explores the economic and geopolitical challenges hindering the pipeline's completion. Keywords: Peace Pipeline, Political Economy, Iran, India, Pakistan, Economic Dependence. Introduction Energy security, defined as a continuous and affordable energy supply, plays a crucial role in addressing global challenges such as climate change, sustainable development, and regional conflicts. As countries strive to secure reliable energy sources, the geopolitical and economic significance of energy trade becomes increasingly apparent. Iran, with its abundant hydrocarbon reserves and strategic position at the crossroads of major energy markets, is uniquely positioned to act as a key player in regional energy cooperation. The Peace Pipeline, envisioned as a critical project to connect Iran’s gas reserves to South Asia’s rapidly growing energy markets, was designed to promote economic interdependence and foster regional stability. Despite its ambitious goals, the project has faced significant setbacks, including geopolitical tensions, security risks along the pipeline route, and economic disagreements. Nearly three decades since its inception, the pipeline remains unrealized. This paper explores the political and economic variables that have hindered its progress and evaluates its prospects. Materials and Methods This research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology, relying on documentary and library resources. The study analyzes data from academic articles, books, and credible reports to identify the economic and geopolitical factors influencing the Peace Pipeline project. Comparative analysis with similar energy projects in the region further contextualizes the findings. Discussion and Results The findings reveal several interrelated challenges: 1. Political and Military Disputes: The long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has significantly delayed the project. The lack of trust between the two nations and concerns over pipeline security in Balochistan have further complicated negotiations. 2. Security Concerns: the route through Pakistan's Balochistan region faces threats from militant groups, raising doubts about the pipeline's operational safety. 3. U.S. Influence and Pressure: The U.S. has consistently discouraged India and Pakistan from cooperating with Iran, instead promoting the TAPI pipeline as a competing project. These pressures, combined with international sanctions on Iran, have hindered progress. 4. Economic and Pricing Disputes: Disagreements over gas pricing and transit fees have created further obstacles. Iran's initial pricing proposals were considered too high by India and Pakistan, necessitating prolonged negotiations. 5. Lack of Regional Coordination: The absence of effective collaboration among gas-exporting countries in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf has impeded efforts to build a cohesive energy network. Conclusion The Peace Pipeline remains a highly promising but unrealized project with the potential to revolutionize regional energy dynamics and enhance economic cooperation between Iran, Pakistan, and India. However, its successful implementation depends on resolving critical geopolitical issues, such as the Kashmir conflict and the resulting mistrust between India and Pakistan. Security concerns, particularly in Pakistan's Balochistan region, must also be addressed through enhanced regional cooperation. External pressures, especially from the U.S., remain a significant obstacle, alongside economic challenges such as pricing disputes and financing. Despite these hurdles, the project could play a pivotal role in meeting South Asia’s growing energy demands and strengthening Iran’s position as a major energy exporter. Iran’s recent accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and evolving regional dynamics, including China’s Belt and Road Initiative, provide new opportunities to revive the pipeline. With strategic collaboration and conflict resolution, the Peace Pipeline could become a cornerstone of regional stability and prosperity. خط لوله انتقال گاز ایران به پاکستان و هند، موسوم به "خط لوله صلح"، یکی از پروژه‌های استراتژیک در دیپلماسی انرژی ایران و جنوب آسیاست. این پروژه با هدف ایجاد وابستگی متقابل اقتصادی، تقویت همگرایی میان سه کشور ایران، پاکستان و هند، و ارتقای امنیت اقتصادی، سیاسی و اجتماعی در منطقه جنوب آسیا و خلیج فارس طراحی شده است. بااین‌حال، علیرغم مزایای بالقوه، این خط لوله تاکنون عملیاتی نشده و موانع متعددی در مسیر اجرای آن قرار داشته‌اند. پرسش اصلی این مقاله آن است که چه متغیرهایی بر اجرای این پروژه تأثیرگذار بوده و اقتصاد سیاسی این طرح چه ویژگی‌هایی دارد؟ فرضیه پژوهش بر این اصل استوار است که عواملی چون اختلافات سیاسی و نظامی میان هند و پاکستان بر سر منطقه کشمیر، تهدیدات امنیتی ناشی از گروه‌ها و فرقه‌های مذهبی ضدمدرن در منطقه بلوچستان پاکستان، فشارهای سیاسی و اقتصادی ایالات متحده برای ممانعت از همکاری هند و پاکستان با ایران و سوق دادن آن‌ها به سمت خط لوله تاپی (رقیب اصلی خط لوله صلح)، و فقدان همگرایی میان کشورهای صادرکننده گاز در آسیای مرکزی و خلیج فارس، از مهم‌ترین دلایل تأخیر در اجرای این پروژه محسوب می‌شوند. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از داده‌های اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای، به بررسی ابعاد مختلف این پروژه و چالش‌های پیش روی آن می‌پردازد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9924_ca886eb9edb61a42256192745c72cd79.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Seyyed Hossein Nasr and the Challenge of Modernity سید حسین نصرو چالش مدرنیته 53 82 10173 10.30465/cps.2025.51572.3544 FA محمد مهدی اسماعیلی استادیار علوم سیاسی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی دانشگاه تهران Journal Article 2025 04 05 Abstract This research aims to examine and analyze Dr. Seyyed Hossein Nasr's views on modernity and the Islamic world's response to the Western civilization. The main issue of the study is evaluating the effectiveness of Nasr's ideas in offering a coherent and defensive project against modernity. The central question is whether Nasr has provided a practical and achievable model for Islamic civilization-building. The research method is analytical and critical, based on Nasr’s written works, intellectual positions, and cultural practices, grounded in Perennialism and Islamic mysticism, especially his concept of the "Perennial Wisdom." The results indicate that although Nasr, through profound criticism of Western modernity, advocates a return to Islamic tradition and spirituality, his understanding of religion's role in the public sphere is incomplete and impractical. An excessive focus on Sufism, coupled with neglecting the Sharia, has led to the marginalization of the social aspects of religion and a lack of political solutions. Despite his criticism of modernity, Nasr does not have a clear view on Islamic governance, and his experience with the Pahlavi regime exacerbates this ambiguity. Ultimately, the research hypothesis, based on the ineffectiveness of Nasr’s theory as a comprehensive model for a civilizational confrontation with modernity, is confirmed. Keywords: Seyyed Hussein Nasr, tradition, modernity, Islam, spirituality and politics. Introduction This research aims to examine and analyze the perspectives of Dr. Seyyed Hossein Nasr regarding modernity and the encounter of the Islamic world with the new Western civilization. The main issue under investigation is assessing the effectiveness of Nasr's ideas in presenting a defensive and coherent project in response to modernity. The central question is whether Nasr has been able to offer a practical and feasible model for Islamic civilizational development. Materials & Methods The research method is analytical-critical, based on a study of Nasr’s written works, intellectual positions, and cultural engagements, grounded in Traditionalism (Perennialism) and Islamic mysticism—especially his interpretation of the "Perennial Philosophy." Discussion & Result The findings suggest that while Nasr, through his deep critique of Western modernity, calls for a return to Islamic tradition and spirituality, his conception of religion in the public sphere is incomplete and impractical. His excessive emphasis on tariqa (the spiritual path) and neglect of shari‘a (Islamic law) leads to the marginalization of the social rulings of religion and a weakness in offering political solutions. Despite his critiques of modernity, Nasr does not offer a clear vision for religious governance, and his collaboration with the Pahlavi regime further amplifies this ambiguity. Ultimately, the hypothesis of this research—that Nasr's theory is ineffective as a comprehensive model for civilizational confrontation with modernity—is confirmed. Accordingly, this research is structured into the following main sections: - The life and intellectual genealogy of Nasr - Tradition and Traditionalism - Modernity and its roots - Islam and modernity The confrontation between the modern Western civilization and the Islamic world Based on an examination of Nasr's intellectual position and his understanding of modern Western civilization and the Islamic world’s engagement with it, the overall finding supports the hypothesis that he fails to offer an effective defensive project against modernity. Conclusion This conclusion is reinforced by the following key points: By dividing Islam into shari‘a and tariqa, and emphasizing the latter, Nasr effectively confines the project of religious civilization-building to aesthetic, mystical, and abstract domains. He criticizes revolutionary revivalist movements like the Islamic Revolution for their focus on jurisprudence while neglecting literary, philosophical, and artistic elements. However, Nasr must address the contradiction inherent in disregarding fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), which is the practical and visible aspect of religion: Is it possible to build an Islamic civilization and confront the West while ignoring fiqh? Can a neglect of religious social rulings and their marginalization prepare the ground for the expansion of Islam and a religious civilization. This crucial point must be emphasized: the marginalization of fiqh in the Islamic world has allowed secularism to dominate—whether under the banner of mysticism, philosophy, or other forms. The success of a great reformer like Imam Khomeini lay in his intelligent integration of fiqh, philosophy, and mysticism as the civilizational triangle and the foundation for the public presence of Islam, with fiqh at the center. Even prominent figures of the modern Mu‘tazila in the Arab world, such as Mohammed Abed al-Jabri, acknowledge this. It seems this same view explains Nasr’s involvement in the Pahlavi government and his close cooperation with a regime that openly mocked Islamic traditions—serving as head of Queen Farah Pahlavi’s office. While Nasr theoretically defends the connection between religion and politics, his interpretation differs from current frameworks. He considers the mere presence of a monarch who claims religiosity to be sufficient for religious governance. In his view, if people consider the monarch to be the “shadow of God” and the monarch accepts this role, the government is thus religious. This outlook can be justified by his intellectual affiliation with Traditionalism and Sufism. At the height of Iran’s 1979 revolution, he proposed an “Islamic monarchy” in which religious scholars could advise on state affairs, but the state structure would remain unchanged. With full respect for Dr. Nasr’s religious and scholarly efforts, it must be noted that his conception of religion’s role in public life is incomplete. The most crucial element for ensuring the implementation of profound religious teachings in society is the possibility of taking control of governance. A ruler’s mere claim to religiosity—without genuine knowledge of religious teachings—leads to the same disasters witnessed during the Pahlavi era. While the most fundamental Islamic rulings were suspended, Nasr considered his effort to rename Farah Street to Mulla Sadra Street as a reformative achievement! Generally speaking, a key weakness of Traditionalist projects is their failure to correctly diagnose political issues and interpret related phenomena. Thus, although Nasr and other Traditionalists serve as valuable advocates for the contemplative dimensions of religion, they remain incapable of addressing political inequalities within the global system. What emerges from Nasr’s views as a "defensive project" against Western modernity is the idea that by equipping oneself with Islamic spirituality and understanding the philosophical foundations of Western civilization, one can merely reduce the negative effects of modernity’s application. His deep commitment to what he calls the Perennial Philosophy or “spiritual heritage” (more accurately, Sufism) leads to unfair critiques of revolutionary revivalist movements. He considers great movements like the Islamic Revolution—which directly challenged the core of Western civilization—as syncretic and, in fact, supportive of modernity. He believes such movements neglect Islam’s spiritual, aesthetic, intellectual, and artistic legacies. Nasr does not primarily view modernity through the lens of Iran’s historical developments, but rather engages with the topic from the broader perspective of Islam–West relations. As a result, his body of work lacks precise analyses of Iranian issues within the context of Western modernity. این پژوهش با هدف بررسی و تحلیل دیدگاه‌های دکتر سید حسین نصر درباره مدرنیته و مواجهه جهان اسلام با تمدن جدید غربی انجام شده است. مسئله اصلی تحقیق، ارزیابی میزان کارآمدی اندیشه‌های نصر در ارائه پروژه‌ای دفاعی و منسجم در برابر مدرنیته است. پرسش محوری آن است که آیا نصر توانسته الگویی عملی و قابل تحقق برای تمدن‌سازی اسلامی ارائه دهد یا خیر؟ روش پژوهش، تحلیلی ـ انتقادی با رجوع به آثار مکتوب، مواضع فکری و عملکردهای فرهنگی نصر بر مبنای سنت‌گرایی (Perennialism) و عرفان اسلامی، به‌ویژه تلقی نصر از «حکمت جاویدان» بنا شده است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که هرچند نصر با نقد عمیق نسبت به مدرنیته غربی خواهان بازگشت به سنت و معنویت اسلامی است، اما تلقی وی از حضور دین در عرصه عمومی ناقص و غیرعملیاتی است. تأکید افراطی بر طریقت و غفلت از شریعت، به حاشیه‌رفتن احکام اجتماعی دین و ضعف در ارائه راهکار سیاسی انجامیده است. نصر به‌رغم نقدهایش به مدرنیته، دیدگاه شفافی درباره حکومت دینی نداشته و تجربه همکاری‌اش با رژیم پهلوی این ابهام را تشدید می‌کند. در نهایت، فرضیه پژوهش مبنی بر ناکارآمدی نظریه نصر به‌عنوان الگویی جامع برای رویارویی تمدنی با مدرنیته، تأیید می‌شود. واژگان کلیدی : سید حسین نصر، سنت، مدرنیته، اسلام، معنویت و سیاست

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10173_7866731eed67dc3be9693b33f50fdb48.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Theological foundations of electoral legitimacy from the perspective of Imam Khomeini مبانی کلامی مشروعیت انتخابات از منظر امام خمینی(ره) 83 108 10103 10.30465/cps.2025.51058.3506 FA محمد جعفر حیدری عضو هیات علمی،استادیار,گروه آموزشی الهیات و علوم اسلامی،دانشگاه پیام‌نور ،تهران،ایران. Journal Article 2025 01 21 Abstract The encounter between Islamic civilization and Western modernity has significantly impacted Islamic thought, compelling scholars and jurists to engage with modern political frameworks. One such framework is the concept of elections, which, despite being a modern political mechanism, has been integrated into the political jurisprudence of contemporary Shia thought, particularly in the views of Imam Khomeini. This study seeks to explore the theological foundations that underpin the legitimacy of elections in Imam Khomeini’s perspective. The primary research question examines the doctrinal bases that justify electoral legitimacy within an Islamic governance system. The hypothesis suggests that if Imam Khomeini recognized elections as a legitimate mechanism in an Islamic government, then there must be substantial theological principles supporting this view, even if not explicitly stated. The research findings highlight fundamental theological principles, including the theory of consultation (Shura), the doctrine of human vicegerency (Khilafah), the principle of majority rule, and the concept of non-domination. These principles collectively provide a doctrinal foundation for the legitimacy of elections in an Islamic governance framework. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing library and documentary sources to investigate the theological justifications that support electoral processes in Shia political thought. Keywords: Elections, Political Legitimacy, Democracy, Political Jurisprudence, Imam Khomeini. Introduction The establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran following the 1979 revolution opened a new chapter in Shia political jurisprudence. Prior to this period, Shia jurisprudence was predominantly concerned with private law and had limited engagement with public law. However, with the Islamic Revolution’s success, the governance aspect of Islamic jurisprudence underwent significant scrutiny, as its principles were tested in real political practice. Among the key debates that emerged was the role of elections and public participation in governance. Imam Khomeini’s political thought offered a novel interpretation of electoral legitimacy within an Islamic framework, arguing that the concept of elections was not in contradiction with Islamic theology but rather rooted in fundamental Islamic principles. This paper investigates the theological foundations that justify the legitimacy of elections from Imam Khomeini’s perspective. Materials and Methods This study follows a qualitative research approach using a descriptive-analytical methodology. The data collection process involves library research and documentary analysis of primary and secondary sources related to Islamic political jurisprudence and the works of Imam Khomeini. The study examines various theological and jurisprudential sources that discuss governance in Islam, with a specific focus on texts that address electoral legitimacy. The research draws on historical and contemporary Islamic scholarly works, comparing different interpretations to provide a comprehensive understanding of how elections can be justified within an Islamic governance system. The sample for this study includes 18 books and academic papers that specifically discuss Islamic governance, electoral legitimacy, and Shia political jurisprudence. The selection criteria include: - Direct relevance to the topic of religious and electoral legitimacy in Islamic governance. - Academic credibility, including peer-reviewed journal articles and books authored by recognized scholars. - A balance between historical perspectives and contemporary analyses to provide a holistic view. Discussion & Result The Principle of Human Vicegerency (Khilafah): One of the most fundamental theological foundations for electoral legitimacy in Islam is the concept of Khilafah, which establishes humans as God’s vicegerents on Earth. This principle is derived from Quranic verses such as: "And [mention, O Muhammad], when your Lord said to the angels, ‘Indeed, I will make upon the earth a successive authority [Khalifah]’” (Quran 2:30). Scholars like Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr argue that this verse implies a divine trust in humanity to govern the Earth through justice and moral responsibility (Kadivar, 2003). The concept of Khilafah provides a theological justification for participatory governance, as it entrusts humans with decision-making responsibilities. Imam Khomeini’s political thought integrates this principle by recognizing the necessity of public participation in governance through elections. The Theory of Consultation (Shura): The principle of Shura (consultation) is another theological foundation that supports electoral legitimacy. The Quran explicitly commands consultation in governance: "And those who have responded to [the command of] their sovereign and established prayer and whose affair is [determined by] consultation among themselves, and from what We have provided them, they spend” (Quran 42:38). Islamic scholars, including Imam Khomeini, have interpreted Shura as a divine mandate for participatory decision-making. In modern political systems, elections serve as a mechanism for consultation, allowing the public to express their views and contribute to decision-making processes (Firoozi, 2011). Imam Khomeini emphasized that an Islamic government should reflect the will of the people while remaining aligned with divine laws. The Principle of Majority Rule: Democratic governance in modern societies relies on majority rule, and Islamic jurisprudence provides theological support for this concept. Imam Ali (AS) in Nahj al-Balagha emphasizes the importance of adhering to the consensus of the Muslim community: "Hold fast to the majority, for the hand of Allah is with the community; and beware of division, for whoever separates from the group is prey for Satan, just as the stray sheep is for the wolf” (Sermon 127, Nahj al-Balagha). This statement highlights the significance of collective decision-making. Islamic jurisprudence, especially within Shia political thought, acknowledges that in matters of public concern, the majority’s decision holds weight unless it contradicts clear religious directives (Mavani, 2013). The application of this principle in elections ensures that governance is based on public consent, aligning with the concept of justice in Islamic teachings. The Principle of Non-Domination and Limited Authority: Islamic governance, as conceptualized in Shia thought, rejects authoritarian rule. The principle of non-domination asserts that no individual or group should have absolute control over others without legitimate and justifiable authority. This aligns with the fiqhi principle of (non-absolute authority), which states that no person inherently possesses authority over another unless explicitly granted by divine decree or social contract (Vaezi, 2004). This principle supports the necessity of elections, as they provide a structured means for delegating authority while ensuring accountability. Imam Khomeini’s political philosophy underscores the importance of a government that derives legitimacy through public participation, thus preventing autocratic rule. Conclusion The theological foundations of electoral legitimacy in Imam Khomeini’s thought are deeply rooted in Islamic jurisprudence and Quranic principles. Concepts such as human vicegerency, consultation, majority rule, and non-domination collectively support the idea that elections are not merely a modern political tool but an extension of Islamic governance principles. The findings of this study suggest that far from being an imported Western mechanism, elections can be justified within the framework of Shia political thought through the adaptation of traditional Islamic doctrines. The future of Islamic governance, particularly in societies that uphold religious principles, depends on how well these theological justifications are integrated into contemporary political structures. مواجهۀ تمدن اسلامی با مدرنیته غربی چنان تاثیر عمیقی بر این تمدن گذاشته است که تقریباً هیچ متفکری نمی‌تواند خود را بر کنار از این تقابل بداند. فقهای سیاسی هم به همین سیاق ناگزیر بوده‌اند تا در ابعاد این مواجهه تامل و نظرورزی کنند. نظریه‌های دولت در فقه سیاسی شیعه معاصر بخشی از این مجاهدتهای فکری بوده است. با توجه به این که در بعضی از این نظریات، از جمله آرای امام خمینی، نهادهای مدرنی همچون انتخابات مطرح شده است لذا پرسش اصلی این مقاله معطوف به واکاوی مبانی کلامی مشروعیت انتخابات از منظر امام خمینی شده است. فرضیه مقاله آن بوده که اگر فقیهی مانند ایشان قائل بر مشروعیت انتخابات در حکومت اسلامی است، بنابراین قطعاً بنیادهای شرعی قابل توجهی برای آن وجود دارد ولو آن که بر چنین مبانی‌ای تصریح نشده باشد. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان داده است که مباحثی همچون نظریه شورا، اصل خلافت انسان، اصل اکثریت، و عدم ولایت مبانی کلامی پر رنگی هستند که می توان از آنها برای تفسیر آرای امام خمینی و واکاوی چرایی مشروعیت نهادهای مدرنی همچون انتخابات بهره برد. رویکرد مقاله توصیفی-تحلیلی و شیوه جمع آوری داده‌ها کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی بوده است. کلید واژه‌ها: انتخابات، مشروعیت سیاسی، دموکراسی، فقه سیاسی، امام خمینی

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10103_f53eb4122d5e2ce81a12093f8f9ce922.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Internal factors and indicators of political decline in U.S.A عوامل و شاخصه های داخلی زوال سیاسی در امریکا 109 138 9146 10.30465/cps.2023.43622.3112 FA محمود دهقانی دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد شهرضا ، ایران مسعود جعفری نژاد دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد اصفهان( خوراسگان) احمد آذین دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان) Journal Article 2022 11 21 Abstract The set of developments and trends leading to the redistribution of international power and changes in international rules and regulations, as well as the increase in political, social economic polarity within America during the last few decades, has caused a change in the theories and narratives of political macro and micro and to the fundamental concepts of the field of politics. Three decades after Fukuyama ruled out the possibility of a world different from the world dominated by liberal democracy in the form of heralding the end of history, American political science researchers warn that liberal democracy is now not only an eternal system, but its signs of decline are also visible. Three decades after the “End of history”; American political scientists have warned that liberal democracy is now not only an eternal system but also showing signs of decline. In this article, we try to answer the question: What are the internal factors and indicators of political decline in the United States? The main hypothesis of the research is that a set of factors in the internal environment of the United States, including democratic destabilization, the appearance of American socialism, increasing inequality, and the growing power of lobbies, are effective in the process of American political decline, and international factors alone cannot be considered effective in this matter. The findings of the research based on the descriptive-analytical method show that the decline of norms and behavioral patterns is the cause of political decline in the domestic environment of America, and indicators such as the aforementioned four factors accelerate the process of political decline and social conflicts. Keywords: Political decline, Sociological institutionalism, democratic destabilization, American socialism, lobbies. Introduction The issue of the decline of America's power and position in the international system has long been studied among international relations scholars. Joseph Nye wrote in 2004 an article in Foreign Affairs that America's attractiveness to the world is seriously declining. He considers the main reasons for this to be political hegemony, economic superiority, and the imposition of cultural values on others. Richard Haas wrote in his book "Foreign Policy Begins within America," in 2014 advises his country's leaders that resolving America's international challenges requires a review of domestic policies. According to his opinion “a rising China, climate change, terrorism, nuclear Iran, turbulent Middle East, and reckless North Korea are all serious challenges to US national security." Political decline in the theory of hegemonic stability generally means a relative decline in hegemonic power, which is accompanied by a weakening of the superpower's desired international institutions and norms. In the present study, political decline refers to the decline in US power in the domestic dimension, which will prevent the US from having the ability to restore its absolute hegemony and unilaterally expand the international regime in the future. In this article, we seek to answer the question what are the internal factors and indicators of political decline in the US? The main hypothesis of this study is that a set of factors in the domestic environment of the United States has been effective in the process of US political decline, and international causes and indicators alone can not be considered effective in this matter. Materials & Methods This article attempted to answer the main question using a descriptive-analytical method what are the internal factors and indicators of political decline in America? Among the old institutionalist sociologists, Philip Selznick considers the institution as a product of social consensus. From his perspective, the institution is an arena in which specific interests and conflicts are negotiated and reconciled. Fukuyama In his book “Political Order and Political Decline,” considers the three components of political order in liberal democracy are “government, rule of law, and accountability Fukuyama describes the inefficiency of the institutionalized government based on the lack of conformity with institutions or the formation of new institutions. In the polarized American society, especially after Trump’s victory in the 2016 elections, can be seen the indicators of political decline in American society and institutions. According to Fukuyama, the components of political order in liberal democracy are in conflict with each other. In other words, the inefficiency of institutions and the inability to adapt to the environment can cause the formation of a prelude to the decline in the socio-political structure. Discussion & Result Until the 1990s, political scientists studied the issue of decline in the context of societies that are changing the stability and continuity of political order in liberal democracies was considered a given and certain. However, with the intensification of political competition and the polarization of the political space of American society, the factors of decline in the United States were gradually discussed and examined. The findings of this study, based on the descriptive-analytical method, show that the decline of norms and behavioral patterns, including democratic destabilization, increasing inequality, the monetization of politics, the increased power of lobbies, and social conflict resulting from the polarized political space, can be considered as the main factors and indicators of political decline in the U.S Domestic environment. These components reinforce and complement each other, and from the dynamic interaction between them, the indicators of American decline emerge. Conclusion This article has attempted to show the factors that have contributed to the decline of America’s position in the domestic dimension. It is noteworthy that the decline of America means the partial depletion of its energy and capacity to unilaterally manage and regulate global affairs and to finance its hegemony, and therefore it should not be considered equivalent to the collapse of this country. Less than three decades after Fukuyama ruled out the possibility of a world different from that dominated by liberal democracy, he heralded the end of history with the undisputed supremacy of liberal democracy and the market economy. Political scientists warn that liberal democracy is not only no longer an eternal system, but that signs of its decline are also becoming apparent. Trump's victory in the 2016 election confronted the world with a new American reality. Polarity is growing, and the ruling elite and American bureaucracy have no prescription for moderating it. Because, as Fukuyama has stated in his book Political Order and Decline, bureaucracy itself is an important part of the reasons for its growth. مجموعه تحولات و روندهای منجر به بازتوزیع قدرت بین المللی و تحول در قواعد و نرم های زیست بین الملل و همچنین افزایش قطبیت سیاسی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی داخل امریکا طی چند دهه اخیر، باعث تغییر در نظریه ها و روایت های کلان و خرد سیاسی به مفاهیم بنیادی حوزه سیاست شده است. سه دهه پس از آنکه فوکویاما امکان وجود جهانی متفاوت از دنیای تحت سیطره لیبرال دموکراسی را در قالب بشارت پایان تاریخ، منتفی دانست برخی محققان علوم سیاسی امریکایی هشدار می‌دهند که لیبرال دموکراسی اکنون نه فقط نظامی ابدی نیست که شاخصه های زوال آن نیز نمایان شده است. این مقاله درصدد پاسخ به این سوال است که عوامل و شاخصه های داخلی زوال(افول) سیاسی در امریکا کدامند؟ فرضیه اصلی پژوهش این است که مجموعه عواملی در محیط داخلی ایالات متحده شامل تثبیت زدایی دموکراتیک، بروز سوسیالیسم امریکایی، افزایش نابرابری و قدرت فزاینده لابی ها در فرایند زوال سیاسی امریکا موثر بوده و نمی توان صرفا شاخصه های بین المللی را در این امر موثر دانست. یافته های پژوهش بر اساس روش توصیفی- تحلیلی نشان می دهد که افول هنجارها و الگوهای رفتاری، عامل افول سیاسی در محیط داخلی امریکاست و شاخصه هایی همچون عوامل چهارگانه مذکور به روند افول سیاسی شتاب و ستیزهای اجتماعی را شدت می بخشند.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9146_ea33b4fd0fc1ea0a40344be8a8641123.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Chantal Mouffe: The necessity of projecting a new political ontology in dialogue and debate with contemporary political thinkers شانتال موف: ضرورت طرح یک هستی شناسی سیاسی جدید در گفتگو و مجادله با متفکران سیاسی معاصر 9216 10.30465/cps.2024.44444.3165 FA منصور انصاری استادیار گروه اندیشه سیاسی در اسلام، پژوهشکده امام خمینی (س) و انقلاب اسلامی 0000-0001-9664-6452 Journal Article 2023 01 31 In the last two or three decades, the concept of the political through the lens of political philosophy has received special attention, which indicates the dynamism and life of political philosophy in a different form from its more classical forms. One of the thinkers who tried to examine the nature of politics from an ontological perspective during his career was Chantal Mouffe. The main question of this article is, what is the political thing according to Chantal Mouffe? And how has he achieved an agonistic understanding of the political issue in the dialogue or debate with other contemporary political schools? At the same time, by criticizing the theory of liberalism and Marxism on the one hand, and on the other hand, inspired by Schmitt's concept of antagonism, and an intellectual conflict with a wide range of thinkers such as Habermas, John Rawls and others, Chantal Mouffe has been able to present a new definition of the political. which he himself called agonism. In his opinion, from an ontological point of view, politics is nothing but an agonistic attempt to control the antagonism that is always present in politics and social relations. The method of this article is descriptive-analytical and is mostly based on the process and how to present a philosophical definition of the political thing, which at the same time answers the question that political philosophy is still alive in its ontological sense. در دو سه دهه اخیر، مفهوم امر سیاسی از دریچه فلسفه سیاسی مورد توجه ویژه‌ای قرار گرفته است که حاکی از پویایی و زندگی فلسفه سیاسی در شکلی متفاوت از گونه‌های کلاسیک‌تر خود است. یکی از متفکرانی که در طول حرفه‌ای خویش تلاش کرده است تا ماهیت امر سیاسی را از چشم‌انداز هستی‌شناختی مورد بررسی قرار دهد، شانتال موف بوده است. سوال اصلی مقاله حاضر این است که امر سیاسی از نظر شانتال موف چیست؟ و او چطور در گفتگو یا مجادله با سایر مکاتب سیاسی معاصر به درک اگونیستی از امر سیاسی دست یافته است؟ شانتال موف همزمان با نقد نظریه لیبرالیسم و مارکسیسم از یک سو و از سوی دیگر با الهام از مفهوم آنتاگونیسم اشمیت، و درگیری فکری با طیف گسترده‌ای از متفکران مانند هابرماس و جان روالز و دیگران توانسته است تعریف تازه‌ای از امر سیاسی ارائه کند که خود او آن را اگونیسم نامیده است. به نظر او، از نگاه هستی‌شناختی، سیاست چیزی نیست جز تلاشی اگونیستی برای مهار آنتاگونیسم که همواره در سیاست و روابط اجتماعی حضور دارد. روش این مقاله، توصیفی- تحلیلی است و بیشتر بر فرایند و چگونگی ارائه یک تعریف فلسفی از امر سیاسی استوار است که در عین حال به این پرسش پاسخ می‌دهد که فلسفه سیاسی به معنای هستی‌شناختی خودش هنوز زنده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9216_a5909bff60540745d3da1ccda2f99bff.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Presenting the model of building a decent society of the Islamic Republic of Iran ارائه الگوی ساخت جامعه شایسته جمهوری اسلامی ایران در گام دوم انقلاب اسلامی 9177 10.30465/cps.2024.47731.3332 FA مهدی رحمتی دانشجوی دکتری، گروه علوم‌سیاسی و مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شاهد، تهران، ایران محمدرحیم عیوضی استاد تمام و عضو هیئت‌علمی دانشکده حکمرانی دانشگاه تهران، ایران علی مرشدی زاد دانشیار و عضو هیئت‌علمی گروه علوم سیاسی و مطالعات انقلاب اسلامی دانشگاه شاهد، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 12 17 The current research aims to present a model for constructing a decent society in the Islamic Republic of Iran during the second phase of the Islamic Revolution. This model has been formulated based on the views of 12 experts in the field of future studies and an additional 95 experts. The research is applied in terms of purpose and mixed in terms of methodology. After conducting extensive library research and employing a two-step Delphi method in a fuzzy environment, 63 keywords were identified. Subsequently, using exploratory factor analysis, the pattern's structure was categorized into 8 dimensions: political, cultural, economic, deterrence, environmental, social, ideological values, and legal systems. Following this, the proposed pattern was depicted in two distinct structures by using the Vansim software and the system dynamics approach. The results revealed that the political, cultural, economic, and deterrence dimensions require long-term planning to foster a decent society, as indicated by the extended timeframes illustrated in the graphs. In contrast, the environmental, legal systems, social aspects, as well as ideological values, demonstrate a shorter timeframe and could potentially be achieved through medium-term planning تحقیق حاضر به دنبال ارائه الگوی ساخت جامعه شایسته جمهوری اسلامی ایران در گام دوم انقلاب اسلامی است که با بهره‌مندی از دیدگاه‌های تعداد 12 نفر از خبرگان در حوزه آینده‌پژوهی و 95 نفر از کارشناسان محقق شده است. این پژوهش از نظر هدف کاربردی و از نظر روش آمیخته است. پس از انجام مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و استفاده از 2 مرحله دلفی در محیط فازی، تعداد 63 کلیدواژه شناسایی و با استفاده از تحلیل عاملی اکتشافی ساختار الگو در 8 بعد سیاسی، فرهنگی، اقتصادی، بازدارندگی، زیست‌محیطی، اجتماعی، ایدئولوژی و ارزش‌ها و همچنین قانون و نظامات حقوقی دسته‌بندی شد. در ادامه با استفاده از رویکرد پویایی‌شناسی سیستم، ترسیم الگوی پیشنهادی در دو ساختار مجزا در نرم‌افزار ونسیم انجام شد. سؤال اصلی تحقیق به دنبال ساخت جامعه شایسته ایران در گام دوم انقلاب اسلامی است. نتایج نشان داد، ابعاد سیاسی، فرهنگی، اقتصادی و بازدارندگی برای ایجاد یک جامعه شایسته نیاز به برنامه‌ریزی بلندمدت دارد زیرا شیب ترسیم شده در نمودار بازه زمانی بیشتری را نشان می‌دهد. در مقابل این زمان برای ابعاد چهارگانه زیست‌محیطی، قانون و نظامات حقوقی اجتماعی و همچنین ایدئولوژی و ارزش‌ها، بازه زمانی کمتری را نشان می‌دهد و می‌توان با ایجاد یک برنامه‌ریزی میان‌مدت به آن دست یافت.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9177_04f19115dfa286fb61ab634a2717ed37.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 The Doctrine of Predestination in Islamic Theology and Renaissance Thought: A Case Study Comparing Ash'arites and Machiavelli آموزۀ تقدیر در کلام اسلامی و تفکر رنسانس: مطالعۀ موردی مقایسۀ اشاعره و ماکیاولی 10015 10.30465/cps.2025.50553.3479 FA علی گراوند مربی دانشکده الهیات، دانشگاه پیام نور تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 11 20 This study conducts a comparative analysis of the doctrine of predestination in Ash‘arite theology and the concept of Fortuna in Machiavellian thought. While the Ash‘arites, within the framework of Islamic theology, emphasize the absolute power of God and determinism, considering human actions and fate as subject to divine will, Machiavelli presents fate as an impersonal and unpredictable force that political leaders can harness through Virtù (prudence and capability). This fundamental difference has led to distinct interpretations of how these two perspectives influence politics and governance. Ash‘arite thought, by reinforcing the divine legitimacy of rulers and advocating for the acceptance of predestination—particularly during the Islamic Caliphate—has provided a foundation for authoritarian rule. In contrast, Machiavelli, with his pragmatic approach, views governance as a realm for intervention and control over destiny. Through a comparative analytical method, this article examines the political and social implications of these two perspectives, demonstrating that while both Ash‘arites and Machiavelli acknowledge a force beyond human control, they diverge significantly in their assessment of human agency in response to it. این پژوهش به بررسی تطبیقی آموزه تقدیر در کلام اشاعره و مفهوم "Fortuna" در اندیشه ماکیاولی می‌پردازد. در حالی که اشاعره، در چارچوب الهیات اسلامی، بر قدرت مطلق خداوند و جبرگرایی تأکید دارند و اعمال و سرنوشت انسان را تابع اراده الهی می‌دانند، ماکیاولی سرنوشت را نیرویی غیرشخصی و غیرقابل ‌پیش‌بینی معرفی می‌کند که رهبران سیاسی می‌توانند با بهره‌گیری از هوشمندی (Virtù) آن را مهار کنند. این تفاوت بنیادی موجب شده است که تأثیر این دو رویکرد بر سیاست و حکمرانی به شکلی متفاوت تبیین شود. اندیشه اشعری، با تثبیت مشروعیت الهی حاکمان و تأکید بر پذیرش تقدیر، به‌ ویژه در دوران خلافت اسلامی، زمینه‌ای برای پذیرش اقتدارگرایی فراهم کرده است. در مقابل، ماکیاولی با رویکرد عمل‌گرایانه خود، حکمرانی را عرصه‌ای برای مداخله و کنترل سرنوشت می‌داند. این مقاله با روش تحلیل تطبیقی، به بررسی پیامدهای این دو نگرش در حوزه‌ های سیاسی و اجتماعی پرداخته و نشان می‌دهد که اشاعره و ماکیاولی، هرچند هر دو به نیرویی فراتر از انسان اذعان دارند، اما میزان نقش‌آفرینی انسان در برابر آن را به شکلی متفاوت تحلیل کرده‌اند.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10015_342b5fe6486788799659c39bbfc3fa02.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 he role of seeking the right in reaching the desired goal in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei (Madazaleh). نقش حق ‏ خواهی در رسیدن به آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه ‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) و آ یت ‏ ال ل ه خامنه ‏ ای (مدظله) 8739 10.30465/cps.2023.44205.3143 FA سیدعلی مرتضوی امامی زواره استادیارعلوم سیاسی ، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد ، دانشگاه اراک، ایران 0000-0002-0068-0232 رضا محموداوغلی دانشیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده معارف اسلامی و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، ایران حسین روحانی استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد دانشگاه اصفهان Journal Article 2023 01 11 This research is descriptive-analytical by using library resources and phishing tools, in order to investigate the role of entitlement in reaching the desired goal in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei based on the theory of speech. And Mufa was completed and after examining their writings and speeches, it was observed that the desired goal in the political thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) is the establishment of an Islamic government, which was a central sign in his political speech. The issue of entitlement can be seen in the concept of two floating signs of political ideals (restoring the rights of the oppressed and gaining people's satisfaction) and also in other elements of the Imam's words. Khomeini (may Allah be pleased with him) such as: creating fairness and justice, expanding individual and social justice, preventing oppression, realizing justice in the social and economic context, etc., in the pillars of the "establishment of the Islamic Republic", responsibility towards God's people and supervision All officials were observed, including the elements of "unquestionable sovereignty of divine values", neither oppression nor oppression in "creating an atmosphere full of peace and friendship". It is worth mentioning that Imam (a.s.) emphasizes the issue of "justice" in the category of seeking justice, which is one of the floating signs of the desired ideal in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei. Therefore, the current research comes to the conclusion that according to the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, entitlement and entitlement have been important and influential components and elements in the desired ideals in the political thought of the leaders این پژوهش به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی به منظور بررسی نقش حق‏خواهی در رسیدن به آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه ‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) و آیت‏الله خامنه‏ای بر اساس نظریه‏ی گفتمان لاکلا و موفه و یافتن پاسخ برای پرسش‏های: « آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) و آیت‏الله خامنه‏ای چیست و دارای چه مولفه‏هایی می‏باشد؟ نقش حق‏خواهی در رسیدن به آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه ‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) و آیت‏الله خامنه‏ای چیست؟ » به انجام رسید و پس از بررسی نوشته‏ها و سخنرانی‏های آنها، مشاهده گردید که آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه‏ی سیاسی امام خمینی (ره) «برپایی حکومت اسلامی» بوده است که به عنوان دال محوری (مرکزی) در گفتمان سیاسی ایشان و دال‏های شناور آن : تأسیس جمهوری اسلامی ، حاکمیت بلامنازع ارزش‏ها ی الهی ، احقاق حقوق مستضعفان ، جلب رضایت مردم و ایجاد فضایی مملوّ از صلح و دوستی . همچنین آرمان مطلوب در اندیشه‏ی سیاسی آیت‏الله خامنه‏ای «تمدن اسلامی» بوده و دال‏های شناور آن : عدالت، معنویت، پیشرفت و استقلال. نتایج نشان می‏دهد که هر دو رهبر انقلاب اسلامی، به مساله‏ی حق و حق‏خواهی توجه ویژه داشته‏اند. پژوهش حاضر نتیجه می‏گیرد که با توجه به نظریه‏ی گفتمان لاکلا و موفه، حق‏خواهی و حق‏طلبی جزو اجزا و عناصر مهم و تاثیرگذار در آرمان‏های مطلوب دراندیشه‏ی سیاسی رهبران انقلاب بوده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_8739_988f9153ac4fd966ea302dd9ab9bae15.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Genealogy of social movements in post-Islamic revolution Iran: the breakdown of national security سنخ‌شناسی جنبش‌های اجتماعی در ایران پسا انقلاب اسلامی: گسست امنیت ملی 9241 10.30465/cps.2024.46102.3231 FA عزت اله میرزایی استادیار تعاون و رفاه اجتماعی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی الهام کشاورز مقدم استادیار گروه روابط بین الملل دانشگاه تهران Journal Article 2023 07 11 In accordance with the changes and structural transformations in religious beliefs, social relations, economic, etc., the Iranian society has been faced with a variety of confrontational, protesting and sometimes contradictory actions after the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the current research was conducted with the aim of genealogy of social movements in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. For this purpose, with a qualitative research approach based on data-oriented theory and using semi-structured interview technique, with 17 professors and experts in the fields of political science, political sociology and sociology of revolution in three universities of Tehran, Allameh Tabatabaei and Shahid. Beheshti was interviewed. The sampling method was purposeful and based on theoretical saturation. The text of the interviews was coded using MAXQDA10 qualitative data analysis software and seven types of movements focused on class divide, civil-legal demands, lifestyle, political demands, identification and myth-making (national and ethnic), belief systems and sectarian currents and Movements focused on value patterns and normative distinctions were identified from the perspective of experts. The results showed that despite the diversity in the strategies and actions of the actors in each of the identified movements, all of them were aimed at overthrowing, disrupting political order and stability as well as national security. جامعة ایران متناسب با تغییر و تحوّلات ساختاری در باورهای دینی، مناسبات اجتماعی، اقتصادی و... پس از انقلاب اسلامی با انواعی از کنش‌های تقابل‌گرایانه، اعتراضی و گاهاً متناقضی مواجه بوده ‌است. از این رو، پژوهش حاضر با هدف سنخ‌شناسی جنبش‌های اجتماعی در ایران پسا انقلاب اسلامی انجام شد. برای این منظور با رویکرد پژوهشی کیفی و مبتنی بر نظریه‌پردازی داده‌محور و با به کارگیری تکنیک مصاحبه نیمه‌ساختار یافته، با 17 نفر از اساتید و صاحبنظران رشته‌های علوم‌سیاسی، جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی و جامعه‌شناسی انقلاب در سه دانشگاه تهران، علامه‌طباطبایی و شهید بهشتی مصاحبه شد. روش نمونه‌گیری هدفمند و بر اساس اشباع نظری بود. متن مصاحبه‌ها با استفاده از نرم-افزار تحلیل داده‌های کیفی MAXQDA10 کدگذاری و هفتگونه جنبش ِمتمرکز بر شکاف طبقاتی، مطالبات حقوقی-مدنی، سبک‌زندگی، مطالبات‌ سیاسی، هویت‌یابی و اسطوره‌سازی(ملّی و قومی)، نظام‌های عقیدتی و جریان‌های فرقه‌ای و جنبش‌های متمرکز بر الگوهای ارزشی و تمایزات هنجاری، از منظر خبرگانی شناسایی گردید. نتایج نشان داد که با وجود تنوع در استراتژی و شیوة اقدام بازیگران در هریک از جنبش‌های شناسایی شده، لکن همگی با هدف براندازی، اختلال در نظم و ثبات سیاسی و همچنین امنیت ملّی صورت گرفته‌اند.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9241_30f607dcab85f4577f6935084e733fd2.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 1 2025 05 22 Analyzing the evolution of the image of women in political culture, a systematic review of qualitative meta-analysis of research articles with an emphasis on political literature (2001-2021) واکاوی سیر تطور سیمای زن در فرهنگ سیاسی ایران؛ مرور نظام‌مند فراتحلیل کیفی مقالات پژوهشی با تأکید بر ادبیات سیاسی (۱۳۸۰-۱۴۰۰) 9332 10.30465/cps.2024.47926.3337 FA مسعود اخوان کاظمی استاد علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران مینا نظری دانشجوی دکتری جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران سید شمس الدین صادقی دانشیار علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه رازی. کرمانشاه ایران Journal Article 2024 01 06 The purpose of this research is to examine and evaluate the position of women in political culture with an emphasis on Iranian political literature using a meta-analysis approach. They were loaded with the keywords of women, literature, prose, poetry and politics. For meta-analysis, 1,320 articles with a related topic were identified and after review, screening and evaluation, 67 articles were selected for analysis. This research tries to answer the key question that how women are compared to the studies done in the political literature of Iran? The results of the present study showed that women in political literature as a key indicator of political culture, which includes prose literature and verse literature, have a weak definition. The abundance of negative traits attributed to women in both of the mentioned indicators shows the uniformity and the same repetition of negative traits in the mentioned literature, and on the other hand, the process and examination of the works of political literature from classic to modern is equal to the results of the studies, which shows a serious effort. In order to reduce the negative traits and try to highlight the positive and constructive traits of women, it is an effort that will be a necessary prerequisite to improve the position of women in society. هدف تحقیق ارزیابی جایگاه زنان در فرهنگ سیاسی با تأکید بر ادبیات سیاسی ایران با رویکرد فراتحلیل است. جامعۀ آماری مقالات مرتبط در پایگاه مرکز اطلاعات علمی جهاد دانشگاهی، نورمگز و پرتال جامع علوم انسانی است که به‌لحاظ روش تحقیق معتبرند و با کلیدواژگان زن، ادبیات، نثر، شعر و سیاست در دو دهه (۱۳۸۰-۱۴۰۰) بارگذاری شده‌اند. برای فراتحلیل، ۱۳۲۰ مقاله با موضوع مرتبط شناسایی و پس از بررسی، غربالگری و ارزیابی، ۶۷ مقاله انتخاب شد. مقالات مذکور به شیوۀ فراتحلیل و رویکرد مرور سیستماتیک تحلیل شد. این تحقیق درصدد پاسخگویی به این سؤال کلیدی است که زنان برابر مطالعات صورت‌گرفته در ادبیات سیاسی ایران چگونه تعریف می‌شوند؟ نتایج از یک سو نشان می‌دهد که زنان در ادبیات سیاسی به‌عنوان شاخص کلیدی فرهنگ سیاسی که شامل ادبیات منثور و منظوم است تعریفی ضعیف دارند. فراونی صفات منفی منتسب به زنان در هر دو شاخص ذکرشده نشان از یکدستی و تکرار یکسان صفات منفی در ادبیات مذکور دارد و از سوی دیگر روند و بررسی سیر آثار ادبیات سیاسی از کلاسیک به جدید، حاکی از تلاشی جدی برای کاهش صفات منفی و تلاش برای برجسته‌سازی صفات مثبت و سازندۀ زنان است؛ تلاشی که پیش‌شرط لازم برای بهبود جایگاه زنان در جامعه است.