پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Contents فهرست 10812 FA Journal Article Quarterly Journal of Contemporary Political Studies (Jostarha-ye Siyasi-ye Mo'aser) Vol. 16, No. 2, Summer 2025 Contents Assessing Elite Management in Iran: Analyzing Challenges and Proposing Operational Strategies Asghar Bayat; Ali Erfanifar, 1 Political elites and division of power in Iran; Challenges and solutions Hossein Aghelinegad; Behnaz Azhdari; Ali Rahimi Sadegh, 31 The functions of religious intellectuals in the Islamic system from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei Ali Abbasi; Seyyed Mostafa Abtahi; Ahmad Bakhshayesh Ardestani; Hossein Allah Karam, 63 ISIS's Landlessness and Its Impact on the Axis of Resistance Komail Raafati Hamzeh Kalai; Ali Mahmoudi; Ali Salehi Farsani, 91 A Comparative Study of the Components of Islamic Governance in the Thought of Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb with Emphasis on Spriggans' Theory Tahereh Sadati Nasrabadi; Mojtaba Mirdamadi; Mohammad Safehian, 121 Critical Discourse Analysis of the Representation of the Day of Judgment in the Qur’an and Nahj al-Balagha and Its Role in the Production of Political Legitimacy Mansoureh Shirzadi; Sharafzadeh Mohammad Hossein; Zahra Rastegar Haghighi Shirazi, 155 Afghan Taliban as narrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Kamyar Sedaghat Samarhoseini, 183 The Dynamics of Power and Religion in the Religious Policies of the Buyids and the Hamdanids: A Historical-Comparative Analysis of Legitimizing Elements Abozar Karamolahi, 205 Comparing the charismatic relationship of Shinasi Political University with the companionship of Merid Moradi in Irfan (Regarding Imam Khomeini's leadership during the Islamic coup) Leila Baiat; Amir Javanaraste; Ali Mohammad Hazeri, 231 Feasibility study of different readings of democracy with emphasis on religious democracy and explanation of its three models Alireza Kianpour; Mojtaba Hemmati, 265 فصل‌نامه علمی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر، دوره 16، شماره 2، تابستان 1404 فهرست آسیب‌شناسی مدیریت نخبگانی در ایران: تحلیل چالش‌ها و ارائه راهبردهای عملیاتی اصغر بیات؛ علی عرفانی فر؛ 1 نخبگان سیاسی و تقسیم قدرت در ایران؛ چالش ها و راهکارها حسین عاقلی نژاد؛ بهناز اژدری؛ علی رحیمی صادق؛ 31 کارکردهای روشنفکری دینی در نظام اسلامی از منظر آیت الله خامنه ای علی عباسی؛ سیدمصطفی ابطحی؛ احمد بخشایش اردستانی؛ حسین الله کرم؛ 63 بی سرزمینی داعش و تاثیر آن بر محور مقاومت کمیل رافتی حمزه کلایی؛ علی محمودی؛ علی صالحی فارسانی؛ 91 بررسی تطبیقی مولفه های حکمرانی اسلامی در اندیشه آیت الله طالقانی و سید قطب با تاکید بر نظریه اسپریگنز طاهره سادات ساداتی نصرآبادی؛ سید مجتبی میردامادی؛ محمد صافیان؛ 121 تحلیل گفتمان انتقادی بازنمایی قیامت در قرآن و نهج‌البلاغه و نقش آن در تولید مشروعیت سیاسی منصوره شیرزادی؛ محمدحسین شرف زاده؛ زهرا رستگار حقیقی شیرازی؛ 155 طالبان افغانستان به روایت داعش کامیار صداقت ثمرحسینی؛ 183 پویایی قدرت و مذهب در سیاست ‌های مذهبی آل بویه و آل حمدان: تحلیلی تاریخی-مقایسه‌ای از عناصر مشروعیت ‌بخشی ابوذر کرم‌الهی؛ 205 مقایسه رابطه کاریزماتیک در جامعه شناسی سیاسی با رابطه مرید مرادی در عرفان ( باتکیه بر رهبری امام خمینی در انقلاب اسلامی) لیلا بیات؛ امیر جوان آراسته؛ علی محمد حاضری؛ 231 امکان سنجی خوانش های مختلف از دموکراسی با تأکید بر مردم سالاری دینی و تبیین مدل های سه گانه آن علیرضا کیانپور؛ مجتبی همتی؛ 265 https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10812_1b7dbe36e1322048b49ab4b2b2c735e9.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Assessing Elite Management in Iran: Analyzing Challenges and Proposing Operational Strategies آسیب‌شناسی مدیریت نخبگانی در ایران: تحلیل چالش‌ها و ارائه راهبردهای عملیاتی 1 29 9967 10.30465/cps.2025.50832.3498 FA اصغر بیات دکتری علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد شهرضا، اصفهان، ایران. علی عرفانی فر دکتری مدیریت راهبردی، دانشگاه دفاع ملی و تحقیقات راهبردی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 12 29 Abstract Elite management, a cornerstone of sustainable development and a knowledge-based economy, faces numerous challenges in Iran. This research aims to identify these challenges and propose solutions to improve elite management. The main research question investigates the factors contributing to the decline in elite motivation and increased emigration. This mixed-methods study utilized qualitative data from 25 experts and quantitative data from 350 active elites in scientific and industrial fields. Results indicate that challenges such as administrative corruption, lack of transparency, social barriers, and weak research infrastructure contribute to decreased elite motivation. Furthermore, the average elite retention motivation is significantly below average (2.8 out of 5), with managerial challenges (average 4.2 out of 5) identified as the most significant obstacle. Based on the findings, recommendations such as policy transparency and the development of research infrastructure are proposed. This research demonstrates that effective policies can reduce elite emigration and better utilize human capital. Keywords: Elite management, brain drain, management challenges, research infrastructure, scientific diplomacy. Introduction Elite management is a cornerstone of sustainable development in any country. The experience of developed countries shows that the ability to attract, retain, and utilize elites has a direct impact on the scientific, economic, and social progress of that country (National Elites Foundation, 2023). In Iran, since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, numerous policies have been implemented in the field of elite management. However, the results of these policies show that serious structural and implementation challenges remain. In recent decades, the emigration of elites has become a major concern for Iranian policymakers. The importance of this issue can be examined from two perspectives: economic and social impact (Razavi, 2019), and the impact on national security (Karimi et al., 2023). Furthermore, the world today is moving towards a knowledge-based economy. In this economy, skilled and creative human resources are considered primary assets. The mismanagement of these assets can lead to increased scientific, economic, and even cultural dependence on other countries. This research seeks to answer the following questions: • What are the main challenges of elite management in Iran? • What factors cause the emigration or demotivation of elites in the country? • What operational and policy solutions can improve the status of elite management in Iran? Research Materials and methods This research is applied in nature and uses a mixed-methods approach (qualitative and quantitative) to analyze and examine the challenges and present strategies for elite management in Iran. • Qualitative aspect: To gain a deeper understanding of the challenges, qualitative content analysis based on semi-structured interviews with experts was used. • Quantitative aspect: Quantitative data was collected through structured questionnaires and analyzed using statistical methods to confirm and complement the qualitative findings. The qualitative statistical population comprised experts and specialists in the field of elite management in Iran. This included faculty members from universities and research centers related to science and technology policy, some current and former senior managers of the National Elites Foundation and the Ministry of Science, and elite migrants who have returned to the country or are currently working domestically. A purposive sampling method was used, and the sample included 25 experts who met criteria such as research experience, management experience, or migration experience. The quantitative statistical population comprised 500 elites active in scientific and industrial fields in Iran, randomly selected from among members of the National Elites Foundation and doctoral students from top universities. Research Findings Discussion and results 3.1. Interpretation of Findings and their Relation to Research Literature The findings of this research showed that managerial challenges, socio-cultural barriers, and weaknesses in research infrastructure are three key factors in reducing the motivation and increasing the emigration of Iranian elites. These results are consistent with the National Elites Foundation report (2024) and international studies such as the OECD report (2023). Based on human capital theory, elites, as valuable resources of countries, should be given special attention. However, the lack of transparency and administrative corruption, identified in this research as the most important obstacles, have led to the waste of this human capital. • Managerial Challenges: The results of this research confirm that administrative corruption in some areas and a lack of transparency in some parts of Iran's management system (in the field of elites) are major factors in reducing the motivation of elites. This is consistent with the findings of the UNESCO report (2023), which identifies transparency as a key factor in retaining elites. • Socio-cultural Barriers: Social limitations, mainly referring to the lack of meritocracy and the existence of very heavy and irrational bureaucracies and hidden institutions active in attracting elites, identified as the second obstacle in this research, are much more prominent compared to successful countries such as Canada and China. This result is also consistent with the studies of Docquier & Rapoport (2021), which emphasized the role of culture and social justice in attracting elites. • Weakness of research infrastructure: The lack of advanced facilities and insufficient research funding are major reasons for the dissatisfaction of elites. This finding aligns with global reports such as the Global Innovation Index (2023), which shows that countries with advanced research infrastructure are more successful in attracting and retaining elites. 3.2. Analysis of Differences and Similarities with Global Studies • Unlike successful countries that have used comprehensive elite attraction and retention programs, such as China's "1000 Talent Plan," to reduce elite emigration rates, in Iran, the relative weakness of comprehensive and transparent policies is a major factor in emigration. • In some Western countries, direct support policies such as providing permanent residency and financial assistance to elites have played an important role in increasing the motivation to stay. In contrast, in Iran, such programs have been implemented on a limited or non-transparent basis. Conclusion 4.1. Answers to the Main Research Questions 1. What are the main challenges in managing elites in Iran? o Administrative corruption in some areas and lack of transparency. o Shortage of job opportunities matching the expertise of elites and crushing bureaucracy. o Weakness of research and technological infrastructure. o Social and cultural limitations (meritocracy or patronage). 2. What factors cause the emigration or demotivation of elites? o Lack of attractive job opportunities. o Lack of research facilities and financial support. o Social pressures and feelings of frustration from a lack of meritocracy. 3. What solutions can improve the management of elites? o Transparency in policies and reduction of administrative corruption (in areas related to elites). o Increased investment in research infrastructure. o Providing special job and financial benefits to elites. o Creating active scientific diplomacy to attract emigrant elites. o Establishing a strategic process based on equity in identifying and attracting elites. o Reducing the crushing bureaucracy of some institutions active in this area. 4.2. Policy Implications This research reveals that while Iran possesses a high capacity of elite human capital, weaknesses in management and the lack of a supportive environment lead to the loss of this valuable asset. To reduce the emigration of elites and increase their retention, a serious review of macro and management policies is necessary. مدیریت نخبگان به‌عنوان یکی از ارکان توسعه پایدار و اقتصاد دانش‌بنیان، با چالش‌های متعددی در ایران روبه‌روست. مسأله اصلی این پژوهش مشخص کردن این چالش‌ها و ارائه راهکارهایی برای بهبود وضعیت مدیریت نخبگان است. سوال اصلی پژوهش بررسی عوامل مؤثر بر کاهش انگیزه نخبگان و افزایش مهاجرت آن‌ها می‌باشد. این تحقیق به‌طور ترکیبی با استفاده از داده‌های کیفی از 25 نفر از خبرگان و داده‌های کمی از 350 نخبه فعال در حوزه‌های علمی و صنعتی صورت گرفته است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که چالش‌هایی نظیر فساد اداری، نبود شفافیت، موانع اجتماعی و ضعف زیرساخت‌های پژوهشی به کاهش انگیزه نخبگان دامن می‌زند. همچنین، میانگین انگیزه ماندگاری نخبگان به‌طور قابل توجهی پایین‌تر از حد متوسط (۲.۸ از ۵) است و چالش‌های مدیریتی (میانگین ۴.۲ از ۵) به عنوان مهم‌ترین مانع شناخته می‌شوند. بر اساس یافته‌ها، پیشنهاداتی نظیر شفافیت در سیاست‌گذاری و توسعه زیرساخت‌های پژوهشی مطرح شده است. این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که اتخاذ سیاست‌های مؤثر می‌تواند به کاهش مهاجرت نخبگان و بهره‌برداری بهتر از ظرفیت‌های انسانی منجر شود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9967_554644c0cc70e64757bfdfe8512f90c6.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Political elites and division of power in Iran; Challenges and solutions نخبگان سیاسی و تقسیم قدرت در ایران؛ چالش ها و راهکارها 31 62 9493 10.30465/cps.2024.44153.3142 FA حسین عاقلی نژاد دانشجوی دکتری، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بافت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، ایران بهناز اژدری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بافت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، بافت، ایران. علی رحیمی صادق استادیار گروه تاریخ، واحد بافت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بافت، ایران. Journal Article 2023 01 08 Abstract The lack of elite rotation in the political sphere of societies leads to the concentration of power and creates the ground for its misuse. Elite rotation not only leads to the strengthening of democracy and the fair distribution of power, but also has significant effects on the efficiency of the political system. The main question of the research is what obstacles play a role in the lack of rotation of political elites and ultimately the redistribution of political power in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The present article, using the descriptive-analytical research method and by examining the research variables and the relationships between them, as well as using Weber's bureaucratic theory, attempts to analyze the discussion of elite rotation in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The conclusion of the research shows that the lack of vertical rotation of political elites and the rotation of managers in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran has weakened the redistribution of political power in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Factors have been identified as obstacles that, if eliminated, will solve this problem. Keywords: elite circulation, political power, distribution of power, Weber, Iran. Introduction The concept of "power" has been mentioned as a central concept of the political system, and in this regard, the question of power distribution has gained double importance. It is necessary for political power to be distributed in society in order to achieve political participation; in addition, this issue is essential for the implementation of religious democracy, which is one of the foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran. One of the most important issues related to the distribution of political power is the issue of elite circulation. The main goal of the research is to identify the obstacles to the circulation of political elites in the distribution of political power in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present research aims to argue, by explaining in detail the relationship between elite circulation and political power redistribution, what obstacles cause the lack of circulation of political elites in Iranian political society and to what extent they affect the redistribution of political power in society. Despite previous research on political elites and the fair distribution of political power, which have examined each of these two concepts independently, there is a lack of comprehensive research in this regard. Therefore, this research aims to examine the role and impact of political elite turnover on the distribution of political power by examining presidential eras during the Islamic Republic. Materials & Methods Among the central concepts of the present article are "elite turnover", "manager turnover", and "power distribution". Elite turnover is the transfer of power between the ruling government elite and the waiting political elite. According to the theory of managerial turnover, management is limited to certain individuals and a meritocracy system does not prevail. The purpose of distributing political power is for all political elites to benefit from a certain amount of power. Weber called organizations that are based on rational principles and are governed by regulations "bureaucracy". In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the things that Weber describes as characteristics of the bureaucratic system are not only accepted, but also considered as values. As a result, using Weber's model helps us to reach a correct model in the governance style, and therefore, we have chosen Weber's bureaucratic model as the analysis model. This article, using the descriptive-analytical research method and examining the research variables and the relationships between them, attempts to analyze the discussion of elite circulation in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Discussion & Results In order to preserve and support the elites, it is necessary to identify the obstacles to the lack of elite circulation in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Some of these obstacles include: 1. The ratio of structure and agent: The structure of the government in Iran is rentier, so that about 80 percent of the country's foreign exchange income is provided by the sale of oil. In Iran, when the government takes control of the majority of the wealth in society, it also gains the ground to control the sources of political, cultural, and social power of society. This process prevents the distribution of political power at the societal level. 2. The weak rule of rules in the Iranian employment system: In our country, rules play a weaker role than relationships. According to the results of the National Survey of Values and Attitudes, which was conducted in 1379 in 28 provincial centers and whose statistical population was 16,824 people, 83.3 percent believed that without an intermediary, their rights would be violated. 3. The weakness of active civil society in contemporary Iran: According to a survey, 81 percent of respondents did not consider any party close to their political positions, and 57 percent considered the activity of political parties in Iran to be of little use. 4. The absence of a meritocratic culture: In the Islamic Republic of Iran, we witness that political burnouts intend to return to the government management system for any reason and usually do not turn to other matters. According to the results of the National Values and Attitudes Survey conducted in 1379 and in 28 provincial centers, 52.3 percent believed that individual ability is not important in government recruitment. Conclusion Political elites are recruited and trained directly and indirectly in various centers and become non-ruling elites, expecting that if there is no legal path to gain political power, they will use illegal ways, given the level of influence they have in society. Therefore, governments are forced to design sufficient and legal paths for elite circulation. The conclusion of the research shows that the lack of vertical circulation of political elites and the rotation of managers instead in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran has weakened the redistribution of political power. Some structural problems and obstacles have led to this problem. In this article, some of these structural obstacles are examined using evidence from the post-Islamic Revolution governments. چکیده گردش نخبگان سیاسی، ضرورتی سیاسی در گسترش عدالت اجتماعی به حساب می آید، عدم گردش نخبگان در سپهر سیاسی جوامع، موجبات تمرکز قدرت و زمینه سازی برای استفاده ی نادرست از آن را فراهم می آورد. در واقع گردش نخبگان سیاسی، اثرات و پیامدهای مختلفی در ابعاد گوناگون به دنبال دارد. به گونه ای که این حرکت، نه تنها به تقویت دموکراسی و توزیع عادلانه ی قدرت منجر می شود، بلکه در کارایی نظام سیاسی و تقویت جامعه مدنی نیز اثرات بسزایی دارد. پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که چه موانعی در عدم گردش نخبگان سیاسی و در نهایت بازتوزیع قدرت سیاسی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران نقش دارد؟ مقاله ی حاضر با استفاده از روش پژوهش توصیفی–تحلیلی و با بررسی متغیرهای پژوهش و روابط میان آن ها و همچنین با استفاده از نظریه ی بوروکراسی وبر، تلاش می کند تا بحث گردش نخبگان در جمهوری اسلامی ایران را مورد واکاوی قرار دهد. نتیجه گیری پژوهش نشان می دهد که عدم گردش نخبگان سیاسی به طور عمودی و به جای آن گردش مدیران در نظام سیاسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، موجب تضعیف بازتوزیع قدرت سیاسی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران شده است. عواملی به عنوان مانع شناسایی شده اند که در صورت رفع آن ها، این مشکل برطرف خواهد شد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9493_0b4078ee99ffc88fb383ffcdcd377d67.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 The functions of religious intellectuals in the Islamic system from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei کارکردهای روشنفکری دینی در نظام اسلامی از منظر آیت الله خامنه ای 63 90 9595 10.30465/cps.2024.49325.3412 FA علی عباسی دانشجوی دکتری گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران سیدمصطفی ابطحی استاد دانشکده علوم سیاسی و روابط بین الملل واحد علوم تحقیقات دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران احمد بخشایش اردستانی استاد گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران حسین الله کرم استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 06 23 Abstract Religious intellectualism is one of the important currents of thought that has played a great role in the fundamental changes of society. Religious intellectuals arise from the interaction of Iranian society with modernity and the role and approach of intellectuals towards it. Based on this, it is important to know and understand Ayatollah Khamenei, who has been in close contact with this intellectual current and some of its representatives for years, in knowing the points of damage and some shortcomings of this intellectual spectrum. The main research question is: What are the characteristics and functions of religious intellectuals in the Islamic system from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei? Based on the hypothesis of the research, the characteristics and functions of religious intellectuals in the Islamic system can be explained from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei in terms of having a critical view, reforming the lifestyle and bringing people to worldly and hereafter happiness. Therefore, the current research has analyzed the data with a practical purpose and using a qualitative method and with the help of library and field tools (especially interviews with a number of elites). According to the findings, in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei, in Iran intellectualism was born in a pathological way, and had injuries in the functional, behavioral (including two dimensions of personality and behavior) and insight (including two dimensions in relation to the West and religion). According to him, a true intellectual is someone who does not accept progress and transformation in any way; Rather, it accepts that type of program for transformation and progress that is in accordance with national interests, the intellectual, cultural and value structure of the society. Keywords: Ayatollah Khamenei, religious intellectual, modernization, political thought, function. Introduction Religious intellectualism emerged in response to the presence of modernity, and more precisely, its disharmonious entry into Iranian society, as well as the militant and exclusionary perception of traditionalists (compared to modernism). This approach has an opinion on religion and its position. However, modern thinkers are trying to revive religion in the new world and consider the problems of societies to be solved within the framework of new understandings of religion and traditions. While religious intellectuals are trying to adapt answers from religion to such issues with priority to new issues in Islamic societies. Ayatollah Khamenei attaches great importance to intellectual status. From his point of view, according to the teachings of the Holy Quran, religious intellectualism is a forward-looking phenomenon that looks to the future and naturally cannot adapt to regression. But the intellectual movement that once claimed to be a leader, today in Islamic societies is in error, and instead of leadership, it needs guidance, and the masses of people play the role of guiding the intellectuals. In fact, from Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view, although the role of religious intellectuals in society is an important and fundamental role in the direction of progress and development, he has always guided religious intellectuals to confront threats. Materials and methods In terms of the nature of the research, it is exploratory research, in terms of the type of applied research, and in terms of the research strategy, it has an inductive strategy. In addition, according to the nature of the research data, it is a qualitative method and a semi-standard interview type with experts and experts. In order to carry out the article, first the records of previous researches were studied in order to get an understanding of the current situation. Then, through interviews with 15 experts in this field, they were selected based on theoretical sampling and through several stages, and their opinions on identifying the functions of religious intellectuals in the Islamic system from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei were received. In order to collect data, an interview protocol with an open-ended questionnaire was designed in which relevant questions were asked from the participants and the desired data was collected. Discussion and results Based on his religious and belief foundations, Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes rationality as the most important foundation of intellectuals, and among the effective factors in the formation of intellectuals, he assigns a prominent and privileged role to rationality. Increasing insight in society is related to intellectualism; Because social awareness and insight among people can be mentioned as one of the functions of intellectuals, which causes people to harmonize in different political, social and economic fields. Ayatollah Khamenei emphasizes on strengthening the revolutionary identity and religious ideology and the role of religious intellectuals in this process. In other words, the work of intellectuals should reflect religious and revolutionary identity. In addition, an innovative approach to Islamic religious and intellectual issues is the intellectual approach and does not mean heresy. That is, understanding and expressing the same basics with new dimensions that man knows thanks to the passage of time, should not be neglected as an effective religious intellectual component. Finally, the issue of religious democracy should also be mentioned. The rule of religious democracy, like liberal democracy, follows the rule of law; with this fundamental difference that democracy in the West is cognate and associated with secularism, but in religious democracy, the rule of Islam and Sharia is brought forward when the nation becomes the ruler. Therefore, one of the important functions of religious intellectuals is to strengthen religious democracy. Conclusion Ayatollah Khamenei has stated the most important characteristics of religious intellectuals in several cases: having strategic thinking, anti-reaction, attention to rationality and reason, avoiding petrification, removing distortions and misunderstandings, attention and emphasis on real, partial modernity Viewing and avoiding simplistic thinking and superficiality, insight, having the thought of progress and progress, relying on ideals and faith, fairness and justice, striving for scientific progress, not raising doubts, adhering to the system of religious knowledge, enlightenment and moral concerns and Humanity, having critical thinking and scientific-intellectual power. Ayatollah Khamenei sees the functions of religious intellectuals in these cases: Expanding rationality in the direction of increasing self-awareness among social classes, increasing insight in society, strengthening revolutionary identity and religious ideology, confronting the influence of powers, religious democracy, accompanying the leadership of the revolution, avoiding imitation and defeating oneself against Western civilization, promoting and deepening culture It is correct to criticize at the level of officials and people, to guide people in rejecting dominance and arrogance, and building civilization. From Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view, reflecting on the functions of religious intellectuals makes it clear that the contradictory perception of this term is firstly related to modern religiosity and secondly arises from a misunderstanding of self-centered reason and selectiveness. The only way to protect yourself from suffering this fate is to have a non-contradictory view of religious intellectualism, to have a new-minded view of religion, to have an ultra-modern view of intellectualism and new-thinking, to be committed to intellectualism and religiosity, and to take care of its principles. Based on this, paying attention to rationality is the main function of religious intellectuals. In this regard, rationality is the concept of Islamic rationality based on excellence and monotheism, not the concept of instrumental rationality of the Western foundation itself. روشنفکران دینی برآمده از تعامل جامعه ایرانی با تجدد، و نقش و رویکرد روشنفکران در قبال آن، است. بر این اساس شناخت و درک نوع تلقی و استنباط آیت الله خامنه ای که سال‌ها از نزدیک در تماس با این جریان فکری و برخی از نمایندگان آن بوده است، در شناخت نقاط آسیب و برخی نارسایی‌های این طیف فکری حایز اهمیت است. سوال اصلی پژوهش بر محور موضوع موصوف در این نوشتار به این شکل سامان یافته که شاخصه ها و کارکردهای روشنفکری دینی در نظام اسلامی از منظر آیت اله خامنه ای کدام است؟ که فرضیه پژوهش ییان می کند شاخصه ها و کارکردهای روشنفکری دینی در نظام اسلامی از منظر آیت اله خامنه ای در مقوماتی چون نگاه نقادانه داشتن، اصلاح سبک زندگی و رساندن مردم به سعادت دنیوی و اخروی قابل تبیین است. بنابراین پزوهش حاضر با هدف، کاربردی و با استفاده از روش کیفی و با کمک گرفتن از ابزار کتابخانه ای و میدانی (ویژه مصاحبه با تعدادی از نخبگان) به تجزیه و تحلیل دادها پرداخته است که بر اساس آن در اندیشه رهبر معظم انقلاب روشنفکری در ایران بیمارگونه متولد شده است و در بعد عملکردی، مَنِشی (شامل دو بُعد شخصیتی و رفتاری) و بینشی (شامل دو بُعد نسبت با غرب و نسبت با دین) دارای آسیب‌هایی بوده ‌است. از نظر ایشان روشنفکر حقیقی کسی است که پیشرفت و تحول را از هر طریقی نمی‌پذیرد؛ بلکه آن نوع از برنامه برای تحول و پیشرفت را پذیراست که مطابق منافع ملی، ساختار فکری و فرهنگی و ارزشی جامعه باشد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9595_2990cb071c6413d6cde1512f6474506a.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 ISIS's Landlessness and Its Impact on the Axis of Resistance بی سرزمینی داعش و تاثیر آن بر محور مقاومت 91 119 10155 10.30465/cps.2025.51279.3519 FA کمیل رافتی حمزه کلایی دانشجوی دکترای علوم سیاسی دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد سمنان، سمنان، ایران علی محمودی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد پرند، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران علی صالحی فارسانی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد سمنان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سمنان، ایران 0000-0002-4740-5780 Journal Article 2025 02 18 Abstract This study explores the geopolitical and strategic implications of ISIS’s transformation from a territorially-based caliphate to a stateless, decentralized, and transnational guerrilla network. The central research question is how this transition has influenced the security dynamics and strategic responses of the Axis of Resistance—primarily composed of Iran, Hezbollah, Syria, and Iraqi Shiite militias. The hypothesis posits that ISIS's statelessness has not diminished its threat, but has diversified and amplified it through asymmetric warfare, cyber operations, and transregional terror networks. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology and relying on library sources and document analysis, this study demonstrates that post-2017, ISIS adopted non-conventional warfare tactics, enhanced its media apparatus, and expanded its network into Africa, Central Asia, and Afghanistan. The findings suggest that the Axis of Resistance has had to recalibrate its strategies—shifting from conventional military operations to intelligence-driven counterinsurgency, border control, and cyber defense—to adapt to the emergent, fluid, and non-territorial nature of the ISIS threat. Keywords: ISIS Statelessness, Axis of Resistance, Hybrid Warfare, Cyberterrorism, Transnational Jihad, Regional Security. Introduction The rise and fall of ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) marked a significant shift in the dynamics of non-state violence in the Middle East. Between 2014 and 2017, ISIS exerted territorial control over large swathes of Iraq and Syria, presenting itself as a proto-state. However, the subsequent collapse of its territorial caliphate led not to its demise, but to a transformation into a stateless insurgency. This "statelessness" marks a transition from conventional occupation to a diffuse guerrilla structure, where ISIS survives through asymmetric operations, digital propaganda, and decentralized cells. For the Axis of Resistance—a strategic bloc led by Iran and comprising Syria, Hezbollah, and Iraqi militias—this development has had profound implications. No longer facing a defined adversary within fixed borders, the Axis is now challenged by a mobile, unpredictable, and ideologically driven enemy. Materials & Methods This study is grounded in critical geopolitics theory, particularly as articulated by scholars such as Gearóid Ó Tuathail and John Agnew, who stress the importance of discourse, mobility, and the erosion of fixed territoriality in shaping contemporary security threats. Methodologically, the research is descriptive-analytical, relying on secondary sources including academic literature, policy reports, ISIS primary media (e.g., Dabiq, Rumiyah), and geopolitical data. By integrating discourse analysis with empirical security developments across the region, the study deciphers how the Axis of Resistance has adapted to ISIS’s evolving threat matrix. Discussion & Results The statelessness of ISIS can be analyzed across five primary dimensions: -Territorial Displacement and Decentralization: Following the fall of Mosul and Raqqa, ISIS lost its centralized command hubs. It responded by relocating to security-vacuous zones such as the Syrian desert, Iraq's Anbar province, and parts of Afghanistan. These regions lack effective state governance, allowing ISIS operatives to reconstitute cells and launch hit-and-run attacks. The loss of territorial governance forced ISIS into a guerrilla posture, with loosely connected cells operating semi-independently across multiple fronts. For Iran and its allies, this means facing a threat that no longer adheres to geographic limitations. Shift to Asymmetric Warfare: ISIS adopted tactics such as suicide bombings, IED ambushes, targeted assassinations, and sporadic assaults on civilian and military targets. These operations are cheaper, require fewer resources, and are more difficult to preempt. For instance, Iranian-backed Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq have faced repeated ambushes in Diyala and Kirkuk provinces, areas previously cleared of ISIS presence. The persistence of these attacks illustrates that military victories over ISIS's territory did not translate into the neutralization of its operational capacity. Cyber and Information Warfare: ISIS leveraged platforms such as Telegram, Twitter, and encrypted dark-web channels to distribute propaganda, recruit foreign fighters, and coordinate operations. The group's media arms—Al-Furqan, Al-Hayat, Dabiq, and Rumiyah—strategically used visual and rhetorical tactics to craft a heroic image of jihad while inspiring lone-wolf attacks globally. Iran, Hezbollah, and Syrian cyber units responded by ramping up digital surveillance, content takedown campaigns, and counter-narrative production. Yet the adaptability of ISIS’s online presence has made it an enduring digital menace. -Emergence of Transnational Networks Without a central base, ISIS cultivated regional affiliates: ISIS-K in Afghanistan, ISIS-West Africa in Nigeria and the Sahel, and latent cells in Central Asia. These groups operate under a shared ideological umbrella but possess local autonomy. Iran’s eastern borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, already vulnerable due to ethnic and sectarian complexities, are now under heightened surveillance due to infiltration concerns. Similarly, Hezbollah has had to reinforce its eastern Lebanese borders to thwart infiltration attempts from Qalamoun and Arsal. -Ideological Persistence and Recruitment Evolution With territorial ambitions temporarily shelved, ISIS pivoted to promoting “individual jihad” via lone-actor operations. The group’s shift from a state-building narrative to a decentralized insurgency model made it harder to track and predict recruitment patterns. Instead of field camps, ISIS now relies on encrypted communication to incite followers worldwide. Iran’s domestic intelligence apparatus has repeatedly disrupted cells inspired or directed by ISIS media, underlining the group's ongoing ideological resonance despite its military setbacks. Conclusion The transition of ISIS from a territorial caliphate to a stateless network represents a paradigm shift in the nature of non-state threats in the Middle East. For the Axis of Resistance, and particularly Iran as its central node, this evolution demands not only military recalibration but also strategic innovation across information, intelligence, and border security domains. The stateless ISIS thrives in "ungoverned spaces"—both physical and digital—and its persistent ability to adapt and regenerate underscores the limitations of traditional counterinsurgency frameworks. As critical geopolitics posits, power is no longer strictly tied to territorial control but to the ability to mobilize narratives, exploit liminal spaces, and construct globalized ideological flows. In this context, the Axis of Resistance must engage with ISIS not just through kinetic force but through a deeper understanding of the fluid, networked, and discursive nature of modern insurgency. این پژوهش به بررسی پیامدهای بی‌سرزمینی داعش و تأثیر آن بر محور مقاومت می‌پردازد. با سقوط خلافت داعش و از دست دادن پایگاه ‌های سرزمینی، این گروه از یک نیروی متعارف به یک سازمان چریکی، غیرمتمرکز و فراملی تبدیل شد. پرسش اصلی تحقیق این است که چگونه بی‌سرزمینی داعش بر امنیت و راهبردهای محور مقاومت تأثیر گذاشته است؟ فرضیه پژوهش بر این اصل استوار است که بی‌سرزمینی داعش نه‌تنها موجب کاهش تهدیدات آن نشده، بلکه با تغییر مدل جنگی، تقویت جنگ اطلاعاتی و رسانه‌ای و گسترش شبکه ‌های تروریستی در مناطق مختلف، چالشهای جدیدی را برای محور مقاومت ایجاد کرده است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که داعش پس از از دست دادن قلمرو، تمرکز خود را بر حملات پراکنده، جنگ سایبری و تبلیغاتی، و ایجاد شاخه‌ های فراملی در آفریقا، آسیای مرکزی و افغانستان گذاشته است. این تحولات موجب شده که محور مقاومت نیز استراتژیهای خود را تغییر داده و علاوه بر عملیاتهای نظامی، مقابله اطلاعاتی و رسانه‌ای را در اولویت قرار دهد. روش تحقیق در این پژوهش، توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و از منابع کتابخانه‌ای و اسناد مرتبط برای بررسی تحولات پس از بی‌سرزمینی داعش استفاده شده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10155_17737832ac17be5216f187a82c20936e.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 A Comparative Study of the Components of Islamic Governance in the Thought of Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb with Emphasis on Spriggans' Theory بررسی تطبیقی مولفه های حکمرانی اسلامی در اندیشه آیت الله طالقانی و سید قطب با تاکید بر نظریه اسپریگنز 121 153 10289 10.30465/cps.2025.51603.3545 FA طاهره سادات ساداتی نصرآبادی دانشجوی دکترای گروه قرآن وحدیث،واحد تهران جنوب،دانشگاه آزاد، تهران، ایران سید مجتبی میردامادی استادیار دانشکده معارف و اندیشه اسلامی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران محمد صافیان استادیار گروه قرآن وحدیث،واحد تهران جنوب،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،تهران،ایران Journal Article 2025 04 09 Abstract From the time of the formation of the first human civilizations until today, the issue of governance has been one of the most important social and political issues of human societies, and throughout history, thinkers with different approaches have always presented their ideas for optimal governance. In the meantime, with the advent of Islam and the formation of the government of the Prophet of Islam in Medina, a different model was proposed regarding the issue of governance, and after the death of the beloved Prophet of Islam, with the emergence of differences among Muslims, many challenges arose regarding the way of Islamic governance. In this article, focusing on the views of two contemporary thinkers of the Islamic world, Seyyed Qutb and Ayatollah Taleghani, their thoughts related to Islamic governance have been examined; Both thinkers have explained Islamic governance by emphasizing the Qur'an and the socio-political interpretation of the Qur'an. The main question of the article is the question from the point of view of these two thinkers regarding Islamic governance, and the hypothesis of the article tests the idea that the ideal model of governance in the thought of Ayatollah Taleghani is drawn more by emphasizing the concept of councilism and in the thought of Seyyed Qutb by emphasizing the survival of the concept of Jihad. The method of this research, inspired by the theory of Thomas Spriggans, follows a four-stage study in the thought of these two thinkers, which first observes and identifies the problems and problems of Islamic societies, and in the second stage, analyzes and searches for the pathology and causes of the crisis, and in the third stage, the theoretical reconstruction of an ideal and desirable society from the perspective of Islamic governance, and in the fourth stage, provides solutions and offers treatment. Keywords: Governance, Islamic governance, Shuraism, Jihad, Seyed Qutb, Ayatollah Taleghani. Introduction The style and manner of governance has also been one of the concerns of thinkers in the history of thought, and from ancient times until today, thinkers have always theorized on this issue. Since the advent of Islam and the sending of the Prophet of Islam; Also, the issue of religious governance has existed as an undeniable fact. The study of the history of Islam shows the differences in views and opinions of Muslims after the death of the Prophet (PBUH) until now, and this issue has become the basis for many intellectual and practical disputes and conflicts between Muslims. Unfortunately, in recent centuries, the situation of Islamic societies has fallen into severe decline, and this issue has made Muslim thinkers think about the pathology of the causes of decline and examine the ways to revive Islamic civilization. Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb were two prominent religious and political figures in our contemporary world who, with the slogan of returning to the Qur'an, both personalities presented a new reading of the interpretation of the Qur'an, different from the interpretations of the predecessors, which is known as social political interpretation among the interpretation approaches. The thoughts of these two Muslim thinkers are important in streamlining social and political developments in Iran and Egypt in the Islamic world and presenting different models of Islamic governance. The purpose of this article is to explain Islamic governance from the perspective of Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb in a comparative manner, although in terms of religious affiliations, Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb are Sunnis, and each of them grew up in their own environment. But the perceptions of these two can be examined in the form of a common approach under Islamic governance. The thoughts of Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutb present a new reading of the optimal Islamic governance model based on Quranic teachings, which laid the groundwork for the activation of new religious thinking currents and different readings of religion in the form of political Islam thought in Iran and Egypt and, accordingly, the contemporary Islamic world. Although in the discussions of these two characters, issues related to sovereignty, freedom and justice and other social and political economic issues have been examined, but the new model of governance in the thought of Ayatollah Taleghani is drawn more by emphasizing the concept of councilism and in the thought of Seyed Qutb by emphasizing the survival of the concept of Jihad. Materials & Methods In this article, based on the theory of Thomas Spriggans, the study of four steps in situational analysis and providing a solution. Spriggans' model provides a specific framework to humanities researchers to answer four basic questions, which is also used in this article. Spriggans mentions four stages to understand political thought: 1- Observing and identifying problems 2- Analysis and search for the causes of the crisis 3- Ideal reconstruction of political society 4- Providing treatment The application of the Spriggans method in this article allows us to gain a correct understanding of the views of these two figures in terms of content analysis, and to extract the views of Seyyed Qutb and Ayatollah Taleghani in the discussion of Islamic governance with Spriggans' four stages plan. Discussion & Result Ayatollah Taleghani's point of view in analyzing the situation of Muslims Ayatollah Taleghani has raised several issues regarding the current situation in Iran and the most important issues in his lifetime: the issue of authoritarian rule and tyranny was one of the problems that Taleghani addressed, in Taleghani's opinion, one of the problems of Iranian society is tyranny. Religious and sectarian differences in Iran and the Islamic world and differences between intellectuals and religious people and clergy and different social classes is another issue that Ayatollah Taleghani pays special attention to in identifying and understanding the current situation of Muslims in Iran, and she believed that it leads to the loss of opportunities and opportunities. Taleghani considers the spread of new ideas such as Marxism and liberalism to be one of the fundamental problems of Iranian society, and by criticizing it, he tried to make the young generation aware of the deviations of these humanistic schools. Pathology and cause of crisis in Islamic societies from the perspective of Ayatollah Taleghani Ayatollah Taleghani points out three basic issues in the discussion of the pathology of Iranian society and the Islamic world; The first problem is the nation's ignorance of public duties and rights. The second problem is religious tyranny. According to Taleghani, one of the guardians of tyranny is the branch of religious tyranny. The work of this branch is to learn the contents and words of religion and decorate their appearance in a way that is interesting to the common people and deceive the people who are ignorant of the principles and foundations of religion and are not familiar with the call of the beloved prophets and make them obey them. The third issue is the religious, political and class differences by which the agents of tyranny maintain their power. Theoretical reconstruction for the desirable and ideal Islamic society from the perspective of Ayatollah Taleghani By studying the works of Ayatollah Taleghani in drawing a desirable and ideal society, we can point to four very important components in his thought: 1. The existence of divine traditions in the system of existence 2. Monotheistic political society 3. The image of desirable and undesirable political society in the Qur'an 4. Shuraism Taleghani designs the basis of the administration of the Islamic society based on the Shura, and considers this system of Islamic Shura administration, which he gives reasons for it from the Quranic verses and the Prophet's life, to be superior to the existing democracy in the world, and considers it the cause of the growth of talents., the most shameless, the most stupid people are at the head. According to Taleghani, Shura is the main pillar of Islamic governance And the best way for the people to participate in government affairs is to observe the important Qur'anic and Islamic principle of Shura, which existed in the life of the Prophet and the pure Imams. Ayatollah Taleghani's solutions for the transition from the current situation to the desired situation of the Islamic society Ayatollah Taleghani believed that monotheism and its concept should flow in the body of the Islamic society and bring it from philosophical and theological discussions to the stage of society. Ayatollah Taleghani emphasized the importance of education. Taleghani, in the guise of a scholar and qualified cleric, followed a project in which the issue of "education and training" is raised as a valuable and effective mission. He paid attention to extracting sources from religious texts that facilitate the human path to achieve perfection Ayatollah Taleghani believed in organizational activities to achieve his goals, and during his lifetime, he strengthened this path by participating in the establishment of party and organizational meetings. Sayyid Qutb's point of view in analyzing the situation of Muslims Seyyed Qutb, one chapter of his book "The Future in the Realm of Islam" has discussed the state of the world today, a world that has mobilized civilization against humanity and instead of deriving its life plan from God, people's weavers have made themselves a life plan and fallen on the current path, a path that is doomed. One of Seyyed Qutb's innovations is the use of the word "Jahilit" about the state of the world today; From his point of view, the society of ignorance is any society that does not serve God alone. Then he concludes that by defining all the existing communities and governments, they are all Jahili communities In line with Sayyid Qutb's social discussions and expressing the characteristics of Jahili society, one of the important issues raised by Sayyid is the distance of the Islamic Ummah from the Qur'an. Pathology and cause of crisis in Islamic societies from Seyyed Qutb's point of view In his numerous books, Seyed Qutb tried to diagnose and explain the cause of crisis and backwardness in Islamic societies, and as a concerned thinker, he has expressed deep issues in this field from a political, social and cultural perspective. In his works, Qutb criticized modernity and its negative effects on Islamic societies. He believed that modernity has weakened Islamic values and created identity crises in Islamic societies .he also emphasizes the need to criticize Western economic and social teachings and believes that Islamic principles should be used to create a comprehensive system. Reconstruction of a desirable and ideal society from Seyyed Qutb's point of view Sayyid Qutb believed that Islamic civilization should be revived. The purpose of the ideology of Islam is to create a possibility to preserve the honor and respect for all human beings, Islam has a goal and plan for the present and future of the human race and to restore its true value and honor, so that it can achieve a high position and a high rank and save it from ignorance and the life of the ignorant that has kept it in a stage of animal humiliation and lowliness. Seyed Qutb, as one of the pioneers of contemporary Islamic thought, proposed the concept of "pure Islam". He believed that Islam should be used as a comprehensive political, social and economic system Seyyed Qutb's solutions for the transition from the current situation to the desired situation of the Islamic society The necessity of jihad and resistance At the end of the book "The Future in the Realm of Islam", Seyyed Qutb talks about the necessity of "continuous, difficult and risky jihad" for which Muslims must be equipped. For this jihad, he mentions only one necessary equipment: complete familiarity with the facts of Islam and learning the religion at a high level. The struggle and jihad that Seyyed Qutb puts forward to change the existing situation does not have a reform aspect in the specific sense of the word, but this struggle must transform societies before building a desirable Islamic society. Seyyed Qutb introduced the concept of "struggle" as a basic principle in the life of Muslims. He considers Islam's program in the struggle to include two parts: calling and enlightening to reform beliefs, as well as fighting against systems and dominions that are barriers to people's awareness. According to Sayyid Qutb An avant-garde group is needed to make the resurrection of Islamic countries a necessity, and after that sooner or later the world will come under the control of Islam. Conclusion In this article, one of the most key concepts of Islamic political thought, namely the concept of governance from the point of view of two contemporary thinkers, the late Ayatollah Taleghani and Seyyed Qutbmod, is a comparative study. Paying attention to these two thinkers is important from two aspects, and explaining their thoughts in opening the horizons and delineating the developments that have occurred in the Islamic world, especially Iran and Egypt, provides a new framework for reflection and analysis. Both thinkers were concerned with providing a way for the Islamic nation to escape from the current situation, and with religious and Quranic backgrounds, they attempted to diagnose and solve problems and provide a solution for the Islamic nation. Inspired by Thomas Spriggans' model of four steps of thinking, they proposed an introduction to the crisis, then a pathology and causes of the crisis, and in the third step, a proposal for a theory and a desired goal, and finally a solution and path from the current situation to the desired situation were stated, citing the works of the two thinkers. The focal point and focus of Ayatollah Taleghani's discussions in presenting the path is the issue of shuraism, but in Sayyid Qutb's view, the issue of jihad is a priority and this jihad should be carried out by the vanguard group to create culture. Therefore, Ayatollah Taleghani pays more attention to the masses of the people, while Sayyid Qutb follows the elitist view in the course of political and social developments. از زمان شکل گیری اولین تمدن های بشری تا امروز مساله حکمرانی یکی از مهمترین موضوعات اجتماعی سیاسی جوامع بشری بوده است و در طول تاریخ همواره اندیشمندان با رویکردهای مختلف نظریات خود را برای حکمرانی مطلوب مطرح نموده اند در این میان با ظهور اسلام و تشکیل حکومت نبوی در مدینه الگوی متفاوتی نسبت به مساله حکمرانی مطرح گردید و بعد از رحلت پیامبر گرامی اسلامی با بروز اختلافات بین مسلمانان چالش های زیادی در مورد چگونگی حکمرانی اسلامی بوجود آمد در این مقاله با تمرکز بر دیدگاه دو اندیشمند معاصر جهان اسلام سید قطب و آیت الله طالقانی ، اندیشه انان مرتبط با حکمرانی اسلامی مورد بررسی قرار گرفته است؛ هر دو اندیشمند با تاکید بر قرآن وتفسیر سیاسی اجتماعی از قرآن به تبیین حکمرانی اسلامی پرداخته اند، سوال اصلی مقاله پرسش از دیدگاه این دو اندیشمند در خصوص حکمرانی اسلامی است و فرضیه مقاله این ایده را ازمون می نمایدکه الگوی مطلوب حکمرانی در اندیشه آیت الله طالقانی بیشتر با تاکید بر مفهوم شوراگرایی و در اندیشه سید قطب با تاکید براحیای مفهوم جهاد ترسیم می گردد.روش این تحقیق با الهام از نظریه توماس اسپریگنز یک مطالعه چهار مرحله ای را در اندیشه این دو اندیشمند دنبال می نماید که ابتدا مشاهده وشناسایی معضلات و مشکلات جوامع اسلامی و در مرحله دوم تحلیل و جست و جو در خصوص آسیب شناسی و علل بحران و در مرحله سوم بازسازی تئوریک جامعه آرمانی و مطلوب از منظر حکمرانی اسلامی و در مرحله چهارم به ارائه راهکار ها و ارائه درمان می پردازد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10289_85dca1d270f7f9aef00c9d372f114482.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Critical Discourse Analysis of the Representation of the Day of Judgment in the Qur’an and Nahj al-Balagha and Its Role in the Production of Political Legitimacy تحلیل گفتمان انتقادی بازنمایی قیامت در قرآن و نهج‌البلاغه و نقش آن در تولید مشروعیت سیاسی 155 182 10239 10.30465/cps.2025.51887.3560 FA منصوره شیرزادی دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی همگانی، واحد مرودشت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مرودشت، ایران محمدحسین شرف زاده استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، واحد مرودشت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مرودشت، ایران زهرا رستگار حقیقی شیرازی استادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی‌، واحد مرودشت، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، مرودشت، ایران Journal Article 2025 05 07 Abstract This study employs Norman Fairclough’s model of critical discourse analysis to examine how the concept of resurrection is represented in the Qur’an and Nahj al-Balagha, focusing on its ideological and political functions. The primary research question investigates how resurrection is used as a discursive mechanism to shape social order, moral power, and political legitimacy in Qur’anic and Alavid discourses. Using a qualitative method, the study analyzes selected verses and sermons on resurrection across descriptive and explanatory levels. Findings reveal that the Qur’an emphasizes divine authority and individual discipline through vivid imagery and assertive language, while Nahj al-Balagha links resurrection to political ethics and social responsibility. Ultimately, both texts utilize the discourse of resurrection not merely as a theological tenet but as a tool for legitimizing moral and political authority in Islamic societies. Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Resurrection, Representation, Qur’an, Nahj al-Balagha, Norman Fairclough, Political Legitimacy. Introduction Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is an interdisciplinary method that focuses on the interplay between language, power, and ideology. As articulated by Norman Fairclough, CDA views language as a form of social practice that both reflects and reproduces power structures. Within this framework, religious texts can be analyzed not merely for their theological content but for their role in shaping social and political norms. The Qur’an and Nahj al-Balagha are foundational texts in Islamic discourse, both emphasizing resurrection (Ma’ad) as a core tenet. This study seeks to analyze the discourse surrounding resurrection in these texts to understand its role in shaping political legitimacy and moral authority. Materials & Methods This research is qualitative and utilizes Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of CDA: description, interpretation, and explanation. However, the focus is mainly on interpretation and explanation, as the fixed linguistic structure of sacred texts limits the descriptive layer. Selected verses from the Qur’an and sermons from Nahj al-Balagha that discuss resurrection were analyzed. The Qur’anic discourse emphasizes certainty, divine omnipotence, and the inevitability of accountability through vivid imagery and syntactic techniques such as passive voice and oath structures. Nahj al-Balagha, conversely, employs rhetorical reasoning and moral exhortation to associate resurrection with political conduct and leadership ethics. Discussion & Result The Qur’anic discourse on resurrection responds directly to the denial of the afterlife in pre-Islamic Arabia. It frames resurrection not only as a divine promise but as a mechanism to discipline belief and behavior. Verses such as “La uqsimu bi-yawm al-qiyama” (Q75:1) and “Innama tu’adoona la-sadiq” (Q51:5) illustrate how divine authority is reinforced through linguistic structures like oaths and imperative mood, establishing fear and awe to prompt social conformity. Nahj al-Balagha adapts this discourse for a different sociopolitical context. Imam Ali (A) uses the concept of resurrection as a moral compass for rulers and the public. In his letter to Malik Ashtar (Letter 53), resurrection is invoked to reinforce accountability and justice. Imam Ali repeatedly warns that every ruler will be held responsible before God. In various sermons, resurrection is described through powerful imagery to shake complacency and revive collective conscience. This form of discourse transitions the concept of resurrection from a metaphysical doctrine to a political instrument. At the explanatory level, the discourse of resurrection operates as a tool for ideological reproduction. In the Qur’an, it establishes a moral order in response to jahiliyyah beliefs that negated accountability and ethical living. In Nahj al-Balagha, it is mobilized to challenge corrupt power structures and establish a new order based on divine justice and human responsibility. Through this lens, resurrection becomes a discursive resource for constructing political legitimacy: rulers are not answerable to tribal custom or personal will but to a higher, divine accountability. A comparative table in the study reveals that while the Qur’an targets polytheists and deniers of resurrection, Nahj al-Balagha addresses believers whose practical conduct undermines their professed beliefs. The Qur’anic text emphasizes the necessity of belief; the Alavid text emphasizes the consequences of ethical and political conduct under that belief. Both, however, align in presenting resurrection as a mechanism to discipline, warn, and structure social behavior. Conclusion This study demonstrates that the discourse of resurrection in the Qur’an and Nahj al-Balagha transcends its theological dimension to serve as a framework for social order and political legitimacy. In the Qur’an, resurrection is a response to disbelief and a call to divine justice; in Nahj al-Balagha, it becomes a rhetorical tool to foster ethical governance, social justice, and accountability. The use of linguistic strategies, intertextual references, and socio-political framing in both texts reveals that religious discourse in Islam is deeply intertwined with the management of power. By applying Fairclough’s CDA model, the study illustrates how sacred language is deployed not only to inspire belief but to establish ideological hegemony, reinforce ethical conduct, and regulate authority. The discourse of resurrection, therefore, is not merely about the afterlife but about life, governance, and justice in the here and now. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از چارچوب نظری تحلیل گفتمان انتقادی نورمن فرکلاف، به بررسی چگونگی بازنمایی قیامت در قرآن و نهج‌البلاغه و نقش آن در شکل‌دهی به مشروعیت سیاسی می‌پردازد. مسئله اصلی تحقیق، تحلیل سازوکارهای زبانی و گفتمانی‌ای است که از طریق آن‌ها، مفهوم قیامت به‌عنوان ابزاری برای القای نظم اجتماعی، اعمال قدرت معنوی و مشروعیت‌بخشی به ساختارهای سیاسی و اخلاقی در گفتمان قرآنی و علوی بازنمایی می‌شود. روش پژوهش کیفی و مبتنی بر تحلیل متون در دو سطح توصیفی و تبیینی است. داده‌ها شامل آیاتی از قرآن و گزیده‌هایی از خطبه‌های نهج‌البلاغه است که به موضوع معاد و قیامت می‌پردازند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که قرآن با تأکید بر حتمیت، تصویرسازی‌های هشداردهنده، از قیامت برای انضباط‌بخشی فردی و تقویت تبعیت از فرمان الهی بهره می‌گیرد؛ در حالی که در نهج‌البلاغه، این مفهوم در پیوند با اخلاق سیاسی و مسئولیت اجتماعی مطرح شده و به‌طور مستقیم به نهادهای قدرت و عدالت سیاسی مرتبط می‌شود. نتیجه پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که قیامت در هر دو گفتمان، علاوه بر کارکرد دینی، کارکردی ایدئولوژیک در تثبیت نظم مشروع سیاسی نیز دارد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10239_1e9491470749d5b0e361ce4f0b24d037.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Afghan Taliban as narrated by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) طالبان افغانستان به روایت داعش 183 204 9471 10.30465/cps.2024.45511.3204 FA کامیار صداقت ثمرحسینی دانشیار علوم سیاسی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی Journal Article 2023 05 14 Abstract Using frequency method, the present paper aims at dealing with the description and analysis of the attitude of terrorist organization of ISIS towards Afghan Taliban. The scope of research includes the editions 1 to 365 from Al-Naba weekly (ISIS formal information journal). The questions of the research are: - How does ISIS terrorist organization view Taliban and what it rules about its faith? - What a disconnection of thought can be seen in the view of ISIS towards the Taliban? - What are the fundamentals of ISIS's beliefs about the Taliban's creed? Research shows that despite the fact that the origin of the primary leaders of ISIS was from al Qaeda (Taliban allies), but both Taliban (after the death of Mullah Omar) and al-Qaeda (after the death of Osama bin Laden), referring to the books of the Najdi Wahhabis, especially the books of Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab and the Wahhabis of the generation after him, are considered apostates and the necessity of war with them is emphasized. As ISIS is actively seeking to recruit members of the Taliban, this can be converted into a great opportunity for anti- Wahhabism in Afghanistan, especially among the Pashtun population of Afghanistan. Keywords: Isis; Afghan Taliban; Al Qaeda; Al-Naba Weekly; Takfir; Terrorism. Introduction Considering that Afghanistan is a neighbor of Iran, any fundamental developments in the country influences Iran’s national security. Factors such as the collapse of the government of Ashraf Ghani, the withdrawal of the American forces from Afghanistan and the re-emergence of the Taliban in the country which coincide with extensive moves by the ISIS terrorist organization in certain parts of Afghanistan, make a study of the relations between the Taliban and the ISIS of paramount importance. To that end, the paper ‘The Afghanistan’s Taliban According to the ISIS’ is dedicated to some questions on the ISIS terrorist organization’s attitude towards the Taliban, including how does the ISIS judge the belief of the Taliban members’? What intellectual disconnect is seen in the ISIS’s view of the Taliban? What are the bases of the conviction of the ISIS regarding the judgment of the Taliban’s belief? To answer the questions stated above contributes considerably to drawing a road map and forecasting future developments between the two organizations. Materials and Methods The present paper describes and analyzes the attitude of the ISIS terrorist organization towards the Afghanistan’s Taliban, using a frequency method. On this basis, the scope of the study includes vol.s No. 1 to 365 of the Al-Naba weekly (official newspaper vol.d by the ISIS). The research attitude is structural. Consequently, all vol.s of the Al-Naba weekly are considered as a single connected file, as every keyword in question is searched in all vol.s of the Al-Naba weekly, so that the questions of the research are answered by exploring algorithms and general rules governing the ISIS texts about the Taliban. Discussion & Result The frequency of words used by the ISIS to refer to the Taliban suggests that the ISIS has generally used two broad models with regard to the Taliban: 1- The Osama Bin Laden – Mullah Omar model. 2- The Ayman al-Zawahiri – Mullah Akhtar Mansour model. In the first model, the ISIS declines to excommunicate the Taliban, while in the second model, excommunicates it. The reasons for excommunication of the Taliban by the ISIS can be summarized in three general categories. The first is the Taliban’s refusal to pay allegiance to the self-styled ISIS caliphate. The second is the friendly interaction, negotiations and alliance on the part of the Taliban with people, governments and organizations seen as evil [taghout] and enemy, such as opening a Taliban representation office in Doha, Qatar, negotiating with the then Afghan government or with the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. And third is the failure to implement Sharia or to try to change tribal and hereditary system, like in Waziristan region that the ISIS calls it ignorance order [jahiliyyah]. All the three categories are challenging vol.s all Islamic communities face with regard to the ISIS and can be considered a sweeping problem. Conclusion The research shows that although the birthplace of early ISIS leaders was Al-Qaeda (a Taliban ally), both the Taliban (after death of Mullah Omar) and Al-Qaeda (after death of Osama Bin Laden) were regarded as apostates that must be fought, based on books by the Wahhabis in Najd, in particular books by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and his succeeding generation of Wahhabis. Considering that the ISIS is actively seeking to recruit from among members of the Taliban, this can present an excellent opportunity for fighting Wahhabism in Afghanistan, in particular among the populous Pashtun ethnic group in Afghanistan. مقاله حاضر با روش بسامدی به توصیف و تحلیل نگرش سازمان تروریستی داعش درباره طالبانِ افغانستان می‌پردازد. محدوده تحقیق شامل شمارگان 1 تا 365 از هفته‌نامه النبأ (مجله رسمی داعش) است. پرسش‌های تحقیق عبارت‌اند از: سازمان تروریستی داعش چگونه به طالبان می‌نگرد و درباره ایمان آن حکم می‌کند؟ چه گسست فکری در نگاه داعش به طالبان دیده می‌شود؟ مبانی اعتقادی داعش درباره حکم ایمان طالبان چیست؟ پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که با وجود آنکه خاستگاه رهبران اولیه داعش از القاعده (متحد طالبان) است؛ اما هم طالبان (پس از مرگ ملّا عمر) و هم القاعده (پس از مرگ اسامه بن لادن) با استناد به کتاب‌های وهابیان نجدی خصوصاً کتاب‌های محمد بن عبد الوهاب و وهابیان نسل بعد از وی، مرتد شمرده شده‌ و بر وجوب جنگ با آنان تأکید شده است. با توجه به آنکه داعش به صورتی فعّال به دنبال عضوگیری از اعضای طالبان است، این امر می‌تواند به فرصتی فوق‌العاده جهت وهابیت‌ستیزی در افغانستان و خصوصاً میان قوم پرجمعیت پشتون افغانستان مبدل شود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9471_3142c42ca1d6675586ec636631a0c922.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 The Dynamics of Power and Religion in the Religious Policies of the Buyids and the Hamdanids: A Historical-Comparative Analysis of Legitimizing Elements پویایی قدرت و مذهب در سیاست ‌های مذهبی آل بویه و آل حمدان: تحلیلی تاریخی-مقایسه‌ای از عناصر مشروعیت ‌بخشی 205 229 9925 10.30465/cps.2025.50808.3497 FA ابوذر کرم‌الهی عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه پیام نور Journal Article 2024 12 25 his study provides a historical-comparative analysis of the dynamics of power and religion in the religious policies of the Buyid and Hamdanid dynasties in relation to the Abbasid Caliphate. The main question of the research is: How did these two dynasties utilize religious elements to legitimize their rule against the dominant power, and what similarities and differences exist in their approaches to religion? The hypothesis of this study suggests that both dynasties, by leveraging Shi'a Islam—particularly through the support of Shi'a scholars and the strengthening of religious institutions—succeeded in reinforcing their political legitimacy against the "dominant other." However, the religious differences (Twelver Shi'a for the Buyids and Ismaili/Zaydi Shi'a for the Hamdanids) and their divergent approaches in confronting the Abbasid Caliphate and other rival forces led to variations in their methods of legitimization. The Buyids, through direct confrontation with the Abbasid Caliphate, managed to diminish its grandeur and align its authority with their own objectives. The comparative historical approach and content analysis of historical and religious sources reveal that while both dynasties used religion to strengthen their political structures, their differing strategies in political and religious interactions distinctly shaped the social structures of their respective regions. این پژوهش به تحلیل تاریخی-مقایسه‌ای پویایی قدرت و مذهب در سیاست ‌های مذهبی دو سلسله آل بویه و آل حمدان در مقابل حکومت عباسی می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی تحقیق این است که چگونه این دو سلسله از عناصر مذهبی برای مشروعیت ‌بخشی به حکومت خود در مقابل قدرت مسلط بهره برده‌اند و چه تفاوت‌ ها و شباهت ‌هایی در رویکرد آن‌ ها به مذهب وجود دارد؟ فرضیه این تحقیق بر آن است که هر دو سلسله با بهره‌گیری از مذهب شیعه، به ‌ویژه از طریق حمایت از علمای شیعه و تقویت نهادهای مذهبی، توانستند مشروعیت سیاسی خود را در مقابل «دیگری مسلط» تقویت کنند. با این حال، تفاوت‌ های مذهبی (شیعه دوازده‌امامی در آل بویه و شیعه اسماعیلی/زیدی در آل حمدان) و رویکردهای مختلف در مواجهه با خلافت عباسی و دیگر نیروهای رقیب، منجر به شکل‌گیری تفاوت ‌هایی در شیوه ‌های مشروعیت ‌بخشی آن‌ ها شده است. آل بویه با رویارویی مستقیم با خلافت عباسی، توانستند هیبت خلافت را کاهش دهند و آن را در خدمت اهداف خود قرار دهند. روش پژوهش تطبیقی تاریخی و تحلیل محتوای منابع تاریخی و مذهبی نشان می‌دهد که هر دو سلسله از مذهب برای تقویت ساختار سیاسی خود استفاده کردند، اما تفاوت در رویکردها به تعاملات سیاسی و مذهبی، ساختار اجتماعی منطقه را به‌طور متفاوتی تحت تأثیر قرار داد.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9925_a1cb608a30fc2883eed0831dcf25f260.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Comparing the charismatic relationship of Shinasi Political University with the companionship of Merid Moradi in Irfan (Regarding Imam Khomeini's leadership during the Islamic coup) مقایسه رابطه کاریزماتیک در جامعه شناسی سیاسی با رابطه مرید مرادی در عرفان ( باتکیه بر رهبری امام خمینی در انقلاب اسلامی) 231 264 9472 10.30465/cps.2024.48317.3366 FA لیلا بیات دکتری، عرفان اسلامی و اندیشه‌های امام خمینی (ره)، دانشگاه ادیان و مذاهب، قم امیر جوان آراسته استادیار، دانشکده عرفان، دانشگاه ادیان و مذاهب قم، قم، ایران علی محمد حاضری دانشیار دانشکده علوم انسانی دانشگاه تربیت مدرس Journal Article 2024 02 16 In the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini's relationship with the people is considered one of the most influential factors of victory. There are various theories in sociology related to revolutions, especially theories in which the element of the leader in revolutions is emphasized. One of these cases is the theory of charisma, which is similar in Islamic mysticism to the disciple-moradi relationship.Imam Khomeini, as the leader of the Iranian Revolution, has been unquestioningly followed by the people due to his mystical history, and in this article, the relationship between Imam Khomeini and his followers is to be investigated in terms of charisma and murid-moradi theory.The result obtained is that the Imam, as the leader of the revolution, had neither a mere charisma relationship nor a mere disciple-will relationship with the people; Rather, his type of relationship has been a combination of these two relationships with the people of Iran. تحلیلگران بسیاری، رابطه امام خمینی(ره) با مردم را یکی از عوامل کلیدی در پیروزی انقلاب اسلامی می‌دانند. نظریه‌های مختلفی در جامعه‌شناسی درباره انقلاب‌ها وجود دارد، به‌ویژه نظریه‌هایی که بر نقش رهبر در انقلاب‌ها تأکید می‌کنند. یکی از این نظریه‌ها، نظریه کاریزما است که شباهت‌هایی به رابطه مرید و مرادی دارد. امام خمینی با سابقه عرفانی خود، به عنوان رهبر انقلاب ایران، از سوی مردم مورد پیروی بی‌چون و چرا قرار گرفته بود. این مقاله به بررسی نوع رابطه امام خمینی با پیروانشان از منظر نظریه‌های کاریزما و مرید و مرادی می‌پردازد. یافته‌های مقاله نشان می‌دهد که رابطه امام خمینی با مردم نه صرفاً کاریزمایی و نه صرفاً مرید و مرادی بوده است، بلکه ترکیبی از این دو نوع رابطه بوده است. به عبارت دیگر، بخش‌هایی از مردم تحت تأثیر رابطه کاریزمایی و بخش دیگر تحت تأثیر رابطه مرید و مرادی با امام خمینی قرار داشتند. تفکیک دقیق این دو نوع رابطه کار آسانی نیست و هدف این مقاله نیز تمایز و تفکیک این دو امر نیست.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_9472_86f3f50a6f945bbfa351e55faac043fb.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Feasibility study of different readings of democracy with emphasis on religious democracy and explanation of its three models امکان سنجی خوانش های مختلف از دموکراسی با تأکید بر مردم سالاری دینی و تبیین مدل های سه گانه آن 265 294 10388 10.30465/cps.2025.50449.3472 FA علیرضا کیانپور گروه حقوق عمومی، واحد تهران جنوب،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،تهران،ایران مجتبی همتی گروه حقوق عمومی، دانشگاه علوم قضایی و خدمات اداری، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 11 10 Democracy is a style of governance that guarantees the sovereignty of the people and the right to self-determination. Democracy has a history of development spanning several thousand years from ancient Greece to the present day; as such, it is a historical concept; in the contemporary era and recent decades, the question has arisen as to whether different readings of democracy, especially religious democracy, are possible. A group of researchers believe in the plurality of models of democracy, and some others, with an essentialist view, believe that secularism and, beyond that, liberalism are part of the essence and substance of modern democracy. However, this view imposes an ideological approach to democracy. Our belief in this article is that, firstly, democracy is not secular or confined to a liberal reading. Democracy, despite conditions such as public election, limitation and rotation of power and freedom, can be realized in the form of various political systems and philosophies. Secondly, the value system of religion, and specifically Islam, has the capacity to realize a reading of democracy and multiple models of it. Finally, we briefly explained three models of religious democracy. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and simple qualitative modeling have been used to explain religious democracy. دموکراسی سبکی از حکمرانی است که به تضمین حاکمیت مردم و حق تعیین سرنوشت می‌انجامد، دموکراسی از یونان باستان تا امروز تاریخ تطور چند هزار ساله دارد؛ به همین اعتبار یک مفهوم تاریخی است؛ در دوران معاصر و دهه‌های اخیر، این پرسش شکل گرفت که آیا خوانش‌های مختلف دموکراسی و خصوصاً دموکراسی دینی امکانپذیر است، گروهی از پژوهشگران به تکثر مدل‌های دموکراسی باور دارند و بعضی دیگر با نگاه ذات‌انگارانه معتقدند سکولاریسم و فراتر از آن لیبرالیسم جزء ذات و جوهر دموکراسی مدرن است، اما این دیدگاه تحمیل یک رویکرد ایدئولوژیک به دموکراسی است. باور ما در این نوشتار این است که اولاً دموکراسی به مثابه امر سکولار یا محصور در خوانش لیبرال نیست، دموکراسی با وجود شروطی از قبیل انتخاب عمومی، تحدید و تناوب قدرت و آزادی می‌تواند در قالب نظام‌ها و فلسفه‌های سیاسی مختلفی تحقق یابد و ثانیا نظام ارزشی دین و به‌طور خاص اسلام ظرفیت تحقق خوانشی از دموکراسی و مدل‌های چندگانه‌ای از آن را دارد. در نهایت سه مدل از مردم‌سالاری دینی را به‌طور گذرا تبیین نمودیم. در این مقاله از روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و مدل‌سازی کیفی ساده در تبیین مردم‌سالاری دینی استفاده شده است.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_10388_f9d8bf6b7414e900118caa579ea1b7be.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 Peace through Proliferation Rethinking Nuclear Deterrence in an Unequal World صلح از طریق اشاعه بازاندیشی در بازدارندگی هسته‌ای در جهانی نابرابر 295 346 11507 10.30465/cps.2026.53086.3618 FA سید یاسر جبرائیلی استادیار مطالعات تمدنی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران. روح‌الله سلگی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران بهنام گودرزی دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی محمدمهدی خیرجو قره قاسملو دانشجوی دکتری فرهنگ و ارتباطات، واحد تهران مرکز، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 10 10 This article, challenges the fundamental assumption of the global non-proliferation regime, that limiting the spread of nuclear weapons leads to peace, and argues instead that nuclear deterrence is the most effective mechanism for preserving national sovereignty and preventing war. Drawing on realist theory, deterrence models, and extensive comparative analysis of case studies, this research shows that non-nuclear-weapon states have been vulnerable to foreign intervention, regime change, and coercive diplomacy. In contrast, nuclear-weapon states have been able to deter foreign aggression. Moreover, competing nuclear powers have consistently avoided full-scale war. These patterns suggest that nuclear weapons, even among adversaries, induce caution and strategic restraint, making deterrence a stabilizing force. Using a comparative qualitative methodology, combining process tracing, dynamic analysis, and comparative qualitative analysis, this paper examines the mechanisms linking nuclear power to peace and strategic immunity. From a theoretical perspective, it introduces the concept of “proliferation justice,” a framework that critiques the structural inequality embedded in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and advocates for regulated, threat-based access to nuclear deterrence for vulnerable states. Ultimately, the paper argues that peace is achieved not through disarmament or normative consensus, but through the credible threat of retaliation. نگارندگان این مقاله، فرض بنیادین رژیم جهانی منع اشاعه سلاح‌های هسته‌ای مبنی‌بر اینکه محدودسازی گسترش تسلیحات هسته‌ای به صلح منجر می‌شود را به چالش می‌کشند و در مقابل استدلال می‌کنند که بازدارندگی هسته‌ای مؤثرترین سازوکار برای حفظ حاکمیت ملی کشورها و جلوگیری از جنگ است. این پژوهش با اتکا به نظریه واقع‌گرایی، الگوهای بازدارندگی، و تحلیل تطبیقی گسترده مطالعات موردی، نشان می‌دهد که کشورهای فاقد سلاح هسته‌ای در معرض مداخلات خارجی، تغییر رژیم، و دیپلماسی قهری قرار گرفته‌اند. در مقابل، کشورهایی که به سلاح هسته‌ای مجهز بوده‌، موفق شده‌اند از تجاوز خارجی جلوگیری کنند. افزون بر این، قدرت‌های رقیب هسته‌ای، همواره از ورود به جنگ تمام‌عیار اجتناب کرده‌اند. این الگوها نشان می‌دهند که سلاح هسته‌ای حتی در میان دشمنان، سبب احتیاط و خویشتن‌داری راهبردی می‌شود و بازدارندگی را به نیرویی تثبیت‌کننده بدل می‌سازد. این مقاله با بهره‌گیری از روش‌شناسی کیفی تطبیقی، و با ترکیب رهگیری فرایند، تحلیل پویا، و تحلیل تطبیقی کیفی؛ سازوکارهای پیونددهنده توان هسته‌ای با صلح و مصونیت راهبردی را بررسی می‌کند. از منظر نظری، مفهوم «عدالت در اشاعه» را معرفی می‌کند؛ چارچوبی که به نقد نابرابری ساختاری نهفته در معاهده منع گسترش سلاح‌های هسته‌ای (NPT) می‌پردازد و از دسترسی تنظیم‌شده و مبتنی‌بر تهدید به بازدارندگی هسته‌ای برای دولت‌های آسیب‌پذیر دفاع می‌کند. در نهایت، این پژوهش استدلال می‌کند که صلح نه از رهگذر خلع سلاح یا اجماع هنجاری، بلکه از طریق تهدید معتبر به تلافی حاصل می‌شود.

https://politicalstudy.ihcs.ac.ir/article_11507_a1d438de7c606094c7a374b8da4418ad.pdf

پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی جستارهای سیاسی معاصر 2383-1294 16 2 2025 08 23 The Difference in the Nature of Western and Russian Colonialism in Iran تفاوت ماهیت استعمار غرب و روسیه در ایران 14043 10.30465/cps.2026.54323.3663 FA سید رضا حسینی استادیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2026 02 23 A significant part of the literature on modern Iranian history has examined foreign colonial influence during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods through a homogenizing lens, overlooking fundamental differences in the nature of colonial domination. This study adopts a qualitative approach grounded in the analytical framework of the Annales School to comparatively examine the nature and mechanisms of Western and Russian influence in Iran within long-term political, cultural, and epistemic structures. The findings indicate that Western colonialism pursued a multilayered and sustainable model of domination in which political and economic mechanisms were deeply intertwined with cultural and epistemic penetration, enabling the reproduction and continuity of influence through internalized norms and institutions. In contrast, Russian influence relied predominantly on political mechanisms and hard power; although effective in certain periods, it lacked cultural and epistemic foundations and therefore failed to achieve long-term continuity. The study concludes that differences in the nature of colonial mechanisms, rather than the degree of external power alone, explain the durability of Western colonial influence and the episodic character of Russian involvement in Iran. بخش مهمی از ادبیات تاریخ معاصر ایران، استعمار قدرت‌های خارجی در دوره‌های قاجار و پهلوی را ذیل عنوانی کلی و یکسان تحلیل کرده و تفاوت‌های ماهوی میان الگوهای سلطه را نادیده گرفته است. این پژوهش با رویکردی کیفی و مبتنی بر چارچوب تحلیلی مکتب آنال، به بررسی تطبیقی ماهیت و سازوکارهای نفوذ استعمار غربی و روسیه در ایران می‌پردازد و این پدیده را در بستر ساختارهای بلندمدت سیاسی، فرهنگی و معرفتی تحلیل می‌کند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد استعمار غرب الگویی چندلایه و پایدار از سلطه را دنبال می‌کرد که در آن، سازوکارهای سیاسی و اقتصادی با نفوذ فرهنگی و معرفتی درهم‌تنیده بود و از طریق بازتولید ذهنی و نهادی، امکان تداوم سلطه را فراهم می‌ساخت. در مقابل، روسیه عمدتاً به سازوکارهای سیاسی و قدرت سخت متکی بود و هرچند در مقاطعی توانست نفوذ مؤثری اعمال کند، اما به‌دلیل ماهیت بیرونی، ناپایدار و فاقد پشتوانه فرهنگی–معرفتی این سازوکارها، نفوذ آن تداوم نیافت. نتیجه پژوهش نشان می‌دهد تفاوت در ماهیت استعمار، عامل اصلی در پایداری استعمار غرب و مقطعی‌بودن نفوذ روسیه در ایران بوده است.